1 12 39 https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/3871122a54ec39d90c3480e113b54f54.pdf 0d2f48242500dc945f0b3eb0aba207ad Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (13).pdf PDF Text Text i A yuma Tenko explaining the provisions of the land titles to the Huaorani community. (Ecuador) For several years, the Huaorani people, aided by the Confederation of Indian Peoples of the Ecuadorian Amazon (CONFENIAE) have been working on delimiting and legalizing the lands which have historically belonged to them. On April3, the President of Ecuador, Rodrigo Borja granted, in his words, "612,000 idle hectares" to the Huaorani. 18 Huaorani community leaders traveled to Quito to receive title to their lands in a ceremony held in the Presidential Palace. The ceremony was imbued with political propaganda: "Under my government, you are free men and no longer slaves of anybody or thing .. .including dogmas of agitators interested in using you as a political instrument. .. " The small print on the land titles given by the Institute for Agrarian Reform and Colonization explains that the Huaorani "are not allowed to interfere with mineral and oil exploitation by the national government or authorized individuals." These conditions make it very clear that the Ecuadorian government intends to continue the exploitation of oil and other natural resources on Indian lands. This perpetrates the colonial I (Ecuador) On June 4th,1990, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon (CONFENIAE) and lawyers of the Sierra Club Legal Defence Fund (SCLDF), together with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, filed a petition in which they charge the Ecuadorian Government with "the endangerment of the lives and culture of Ecuador's Huaorani people through the encouragement of oil development on the Huaorani's traditional lands." Voi5Nos3&4 policies of disrespect for Indigenous peoples and their rights to decide their own destiny. The grand political propaganda that accompanied the ratification of the land entitlement, shows how the government is trying to change its negative image in respect to the destruction of the natural environment and the negation of Indigenous rights. Neither CONAIE (the Confederation of Indigenous Nations of Ecuador) nor CONFENIAE were invited to the ceremony. Ayuma Tenko, representative of the Huaorani people, upon receiving the ownership titles, commented: "This ratification of our territory is not completely your will. It is the product of years of struggle by our people, of national organizations and of national and international solidarity. Furthermore, Mr. President, we ask that you immediately stop the construction of roads in our territory, that you evict the colonizers that have invaded our lands and the oil companies that are destroying our forests. Someday we will have nothing. If you do not meet our demands, we will defend what belongs to us with our own spears." I II II •• CONOCO Ecuador, Ltd, a "wholly owned subsidiary of Dupont, plans to build more than 100 miles of roads and pipelines, as well as dozens of oil rigs, pumping facilities and housing for several hundreds workers" with direct encroachment on Huaorani lands. 13 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource "It's Your Land, But...": Ecuadorian Government Legalizes Huaorani Lands (Amazon) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title "It's Your Land, But...": Ecuadorian Government Legalizes Huaorani Lands (Amazon) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (13).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/e7cfd12e787078add39c991d12dc4a41.pdf 347a401680f4b47553a67e9803a72ac4 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (16-17).pdf PDF Text Text I (Argentina) Veronica Huilipan, a Mapuche Indian from Neuquen, Argentina, participated in the Continental Conference: 500 Years of Indian Resistance, in Quito, Ecuador. Veronica belongs to the organization Nehuen Mapu (Strength of the Land). She spoke to SAIIC about the work Nehuen Mapu is doing in Neuquen. Our organization emerged as a result of concerns shared by Mapuches who had migrated to the city for work, health or educational reasons. These Mapuche families in Neuquen wanted to get together, to speak their own language and overcome their feelings of isolation. The first thing we did was to build a house, a place to shelter those brothers and sisters visiting from the countryside while taking care of personal matters in Neuquen. In the past, many Mapuches arriving in Neuquen from the country were obliged to sleep on chairs at hospitals or on benches in the plaza, due to a lack of resources. After accomplishing our first goat the building of the house, we began to notice that those of us living in Neuquen were having many problems. We were discriminated against by the white society, within the educational system and at work. For example, the white people would look at us disapprovingly when we spoke in our language. We realized that we had to work on the recovery and practices of our culture. The Council of Elders forms an integral part of our organization. We call the elders "the old ones." The elders give us strength; they motivate us. After we complete a task, they point out our mistakes. The elders play an important role in our organization. They help us understand that if we want to defend and recover what is rightfully ours as Mapuches, we need to do it our way and not as the Western culture does it. For example, the elders are very much opposed to political parties. It hurts them to see a member of Nehuen Mapu endorsing a political party. The elders say: "the politicians come, they take our vote, they give us a few bags of flour and, after the elections are over they never come back That is how they have used us in the past." 16 When we inaugurated our headquarters, our "ranch/' the elders organized a ceremony to give thanks. In our community we had ceremonies only once a year, between February and May. These ceremonies are to thank Ngenechen for all the good we have received. We also thank Ngenechen for the bad, since according to our elders, Ngenechen does not bestow bad things upon us without reason. Ngenechen will make things better the next year. The Grandmothers coming from the Mapuche communities in the countryside advise us to be careful about our behavior; never to forget that we are Mapuches. Mapuches must be respectful. This is an attribute of our people. We want to teach our history to the rest of the people. It is very different from what they read in the books. For example, the so-called "Conquest of the Desert" was when the Argentine army, led by Roca, invaded the desert to kill all the Mapuches, to eliminate us and take our land, imposing Western culture onto our region. Today, in Argentina's schools the children are taught that, thanks to Europe, we are civilized; that thanks to Roca, there are no more Indians. For this reason we go to the schools making presentations which give our side of history. The students have no idea why the "Conquest of the Desert" occurred, nor who financed it. The conquest was not the result of a lone army ~ding indep.endently. It was the result of an economic power dommating Argentina. The multinational corporations are guilty of creating our poverty. As a result, today in Argentina, we suffer from poverty and unemployment. The English financed the invasion of the desert. They wanted Patagonia free of Indians because the land was good and fertile. They paid Roca' s army to exterminate us. They were not successful. In hindsight they claim the invasion was done in the name of "civilization/' "religion/' or some other reason ... We ask those who justify the invasion in these terms: if progress and civilization were the reasons for the invasion, why are those now in control of the lands of Patagonia, English, and not Argentinian? The same process is unfolding today. SAIIC Newsletter �In Neuquen, we are trying to inform the people in our 35 Mapl!-che communities about the 500 years campaign, We are in the process of making a video. We already have a_radio program called "Quinte Folil" (Searching for our Roots). We use the radio to share our culture, our customs, religion and language. We also use the media to denounce human rights violations against our communities and our people. Participating in the Continental Gathering: 500 Years of Indian Resistance provided an opportunity for me to meet with myindian sisters from North, Central and South America. I participated in the Women's Commission. Before the Continental Gathering, I knew women were organized and struggling for their rights, but I didn't know there were so many of them! It was very encouraging to meet all these women. This meeting has given me yet another issue to discuss with my brothers and sisters - the organizing of Mapuche women. The situation of Mapuche women has not really come to light in Argentina. I observed that Indian women spoke on a variety of subjects, yet they all shared the same perspective, the same feelings. I really enjoyed how the women spoke from their hearts. It seems like many times people struggle using only their intellect. Many errors are made that way. At some point in the future and I don't know when that might be, Indian women will be united into one huge organization extending from the national to the international level. You can contact Nehuen Mapu at: Nehuen Mapu Juan B. Justo 33 8300 Neuquen ARGENTINA ARAUCARIAS r-' #- If you see a Pehuenche under there, ask him how things are going! lies Refuse by In the harshest winters, when it's cold enough to kill our cows, our families depend on the Araucaria trees for survival. These trees are the only guarantee for our future. When they cut them, they are cutting off our future. The Araucaria are stronger than us ... for thousands of years, it's been our source of life. -Don Meliflir of the Quinquen Valley (Chile) The Pehuenche people of the Quinquen Valley have been struggling for years to obtain official land rights. The Chilean government, meanwhile, has sold their lands to the Galletue Lumber company. The lumber company won a court battle by arguing that the Pehuenche do not use their lands to their fullest potential by not harvesting the valuable and endangered Araucaria trees. These ancient and beautiful trees are central to the lives of the Pehuenche, who have a variety of uses for the nuts. The Pehuenche settled in the Quinquen Valley in 1880, after escaping the persecution of the Chilean Pacification Plan. The 400 Pehuenche families in the Quinquen Valley were ordered off their lands by November 4,1990. After this date, the lumber company has the legal right to call in the military to evict them. The lawyer for the Special Commission for Indigenous Peoples (CEPI), Eduardo Astorga, stated that the situation is becoming very dangerous because the Pehuenche have announced that they would only leave their lands in coffins. If there Voi5Nos3&4 17 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource "Nehuen Mapu" - Strength of the Land" An Interview with Veronica Huilipan (Southern Cone) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title "Nehuen Mapu" - Strength of the Land" An Interview with Veronica Huilipan (Southern Cone) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (16-17).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/b70975e9ee6d4746d096aad9aaecb047.pdf 43bc688d93331913ff0f6377eb2ef672 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (17-18).pdf PDF Text Text In Neuquen, we are trying to inform the people in our 35 Mapl!-che communities about the 500 years campaign, We are in the process of making a video. We already have a_radio program called "Quinte Folil" (Searching for our Roots). We use the radio to share our culture, our customs, religion and language. We also use the media to denounce human rights violations against our communities and our people. Participating in the Continental Gathering: 500 Years of Indian Resistance provided an opportunity for me to meet with myindian sisters from North, Central and South America. I participated in the Women's Commission. Before the Continental Gathering, I knew women were organized and struggling for their rights, but I didn't know there were so many of them! It was very encouraging to meet all these women. This meeting has given me yet another issue to discuss with my brothers and sisters - the organizing of Mapuche women. The situation of Mapuche women has not really come to light in Argentina. I observed that Indian women spoke on a variety of subjects, yet they all shared the same perspective, the same feelings. I really enjoyed how the women spoke from their hearts. It seems like many times people struggle using only their intellect. Many errors are made that way. At some point in the future and I don't know when that might be, Indian women will be united into one huge organization extending from the national to the international level. You can contact Nehuen Mapu at: Nehuen Mapu Juan B. Justo 33 8300 Neuquen ARGENTINA ARAUCARIAS r-' #- If you see a Pehuenche under there, ask him how things are going! lies Refuse by In the harshest winters, when it's cold enough to kill our cows, our families depend on the Araucaria trees for survival. These trees are the only guarantee for our future. When they cut them, they are cutting off our future. The Araucaria are stronger than us ... for thousands of years, it's been our source of life. -Don Meliflir of the Quinquen Valley (Chile) The Pehuenche people of the Quinquen Valley have been struggling for years to obtain official land rights. The Chilean government, meanwhile, has sold their lands to the Galletue Lumber company. The lumber company won a court battle by arguing that the Pehuenche do not use their lands to their fullest potential by not harvesting the valuable and endangered Araucaria trees. These ancient and beautiful trees are central to the lives of the Pehuenche, who have a variety of uses for the nuts. The Pehuenche settled in the Quinquen Valley in 1880, after escaping the persecution of the Chilean Pacification Plan. The 400 Pehuenche families in the Quinquen Valley were ordered off their lands by November 4,1990. After this date, the lumber company has the legal right to call in the military to evict them. The lawyer for the Special Commission for Indigenous Peoples (CEPI), Eduardo Astorga, stated that the situation is becoming very dangerous because the Pehuenche have announced that they would only leave their lands in coffins. If there Voi5Nos3&4 17 �is a forced eviction, he fears that it will lead to a battle. On November 21, the Pehuenche residents blocked the, roads to the valley to stop the logging company from taking out truckloads of araucaria trees. Pehuenche leader Ricardo Melifiir stated that they have taken the action because the land and all that is on it, is still in dispute. The previous Wednesday, the Pehuenche saw twelve truckloads ofthe sacred trees being hauled off and have kept a permanent vigil since then. He reports that they are willing to block the roads indefinitely. The assistant to the government on Indigenous Issues of Governorship has accused the Communist Party of provoking false hopes of land recuperation among the Mapuches, inciting them to fight for their rights. (Chile) Since September 28, 1989, the National Commission of Mapuche Communities "500 Years for Our Identity and Autonomy" and the Council of the Lands (Aukin Wallmapu Ngulan) have been carrying out a campaign focusing on the "teachings of Mapuche ideology" in Chile. The Mapuche population in Chile comprises 10% of the nation's total number of inhabitants. Nevertheless, the newly installed government of Patricio Alwyn has demonstrated a blatant lack of sensitivity with regards to this significant sector of the population. Among the most recent affronts to the Mapuche population was the invitation to the King of Spain to visit the southern Chilean city of Valdivia as part of the 500 years "celebration of the discovery of America." Valdivia is located in the heart of Mapuche lands (the provinces of Valdivia, Malleco, Cautin, Osorno, Chiloe, Bio Bio, and Arauco have large Mapuche populations, which constitutes a majority of the province's total population). The invitation of the King of Spain to Valdivia was followed by an offer to make Chile the headquarters for the Ibero-American Conference scheduled for October, 1990, an action denounced by the Mapuche, Rapanui (of Easter Island), and the Aymara people in Chile. Despite these recent affronts by the Alwyn regime, and the democratic and human rights violations committed between 1973 and 1989 by the notorious Pinochet dictatorship, the Mapuches in Chile have both maintained and strengthened their organizations over the past few years, enabling them to successfully carry out many important activities. In November of 1989 the Mapuche people commemorated their Final Uprising, holding meetings with various regional and national government officials. Also, the First National Conference of Authorities and Personalities of Mapuche Origin was held April23-26 of this year. The Council of All the Lands declared this Conference "an important step for our people considering it has been nearly a century since 18 these Mapuche leaders were wrested from their positions following the loss of control over our lands. Now we are meeting once again. In the company of many international guests, including our Indigenous brothers from Argentina, Bolivia, and Canada, we analyzed a variety of issues bringing the event to a close with aNguillatun (Mapuche ceremony) at Cerro Nielol in the city of Temuco. 2,500 brothers and sisters attended the Nguillatun. AMeli Wuitralmapu (Meeting of the Four Corners of the Earth) was held on October 10 and 11 of this year. The objective of the Meli Wuitralmapu was to "promote activities rejecting the 500 years celebrations." According to a document produced by the Council of All the Lands, "aMeli Wuitralmapu is both the procedure for organizing and the form of organization which our ancestors used to analyze situations of importance to us as a people." Approximately 450 people participated in the Meli Wuitralmapu, including our Mapuche, Aymara, and Rapanui brothers, as well as many international guests. The plans for October 10 and 11 reflect the broad perspective held by the Mapuche organizations enabling them to carry out the many activities conducted thus far. The earlier mentioned document by the Council of All the Lands summed up the point of view held by these Mapuche organizations in the following manner: Today, after five centuries of invasion, the Mapuche people, along with many other Native Peoples, continue to exist. We are now emerging as a new movement, fighting for both immediate rights and needs, as well as a far-reaching, comprehensive politic which links our own ideological goals with those of other poor sectors of the population and questions the essence of the nation state concept embodied in the Latin American nations of today. As we approach 1992, a wide range of social and political sectors are coming together to celebrate the so-called "discovery" of America and the alleged "civilizing" process undertaken by Spanish colonialism. By participating in these celebrations and naming the celebration "The Meeting of Two Worlds," these sectors are attempting to deny the existence of the most massive attempt at genocide undertaken in the history of our nations. Following the formation of the nation states, we were forced to endure the process of internal colonization. Embodied in this process was the systematic denial of our existence as nations and the imposition of a different life-style as a result of the policies implemented by the descendents of Spanish colonialism. Nevertheless, Mapuches continue to exist as a people because of the strength and richness of our culture, passed on to us by our ancestors. SAIIC Newsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 400 Pehuenche Families Refuse to be Driven Off Lands by Lumber Company (Southern Cone) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title 400 Pehuenche Families Refuse to be Driven Off Lands by Lumber Company (Southern Cone) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (17-18).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/ae42f87ef6525145fd33247e95b2fcf6.pdf 9a3f154974b993dbcca3294e1354ee1c Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (4).pdf PDF Text Text I "We Indian people have walked so that everyone in Bolivia and throughout the world will know that we exist and that we have our rights. We want our ancestral lands which have been stolen by ranchers and logging companies, returned to us. We are perfectly capable of managing these lands on our own!" -Marcial Fabricano (Bolivia) On August 15th 1990,300 Indian people left the Beni Region of the Bolivian Amazon on a march to the Bolivian capitol of La Paz, high in the Andes. The march grew in strength as they passed through Indian village after Indian village on the long, uphill trek. The marchers mobilized almost one-quarter million lowland Indian people along the way. In La Paz, they publicized the many abuses against their peoples being perpetrated by timber companies and ranchers. Among others, the following communities participated in the march: Chimanes, Yuracares, Matacos, Movimas, Sirionos, Waranis, Mosetenes, Cobendo, Chipayas, Sancalixto, San Lorenzo de Mojos, Chiriwanos. The marchers primary demands are the inmemorial right Indian people have to the lands where they have lived for thousands of years, and that timber companies and ranchers respect these rights. They demanded the return and the restoration of the once pristine forests which the Bolivian government leased to seven lumber companies. In 1978, 1.47 million hectares of the Chimanes Rainforest (located at the entrance to the Bolivian Amazon) was declared a "Forest Reserve." In 1982,135,000 hectares of the same land was declared a Biosphere Reserve by UNESCO. Then in 1986, the Bolivian government arbitrarily changed the legal status of the Chimanes Forest to "Forest of Permanent Production." The government then began to sell logging concessions within the preserve to lumber companies. Over 11,700 cubic meters of fine hardwood have been cut and no reforestation measures have been taken. The 700 delegates marched for 33 days, experiencing radical temperature changes as they made the Andean climb. In the Highlands, they were greeted by powerful Aymara and Quechua organizations which welcomed their lowland brothers with ancient rituals, where offerings were made to the sacred Achachila Mountains of La Cumbre. Part of the huge success of this historical march is due to the very personal expression of grievances, Indian nation to Indian nation. The idea for the March for Land and Dignity grew out of the Second Encounter for Unity among the Indigenous People of the Beni Region and was led by CPIB (Indigenous Peoples' Central Office of Beni Province). 4 Please write and express your solidarity with the Central de Pueblos lndigenas del Beni CPIB Casilla 58 Trinidad, Beni BOLIVIA Tel: 011-591-46-21525 SAIIC Newsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource 700 Amazonian Indians March for Land and Dignity! (Amazon) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1990 Zotero Title 700 Amazonian Indians March for Land and Dignity! (Amazon) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (4).pdf Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (4).pdf Abstract Note On August 15th, 1990, hundreds of Indian people left the Bolivian Amazon and marched to the Bolivian capital of La Paz. Picking up more participants along the way, they reached almost a quarter of a million people by the time they arrived. These people wanted to draw attention to the damages done to their land by logging companies and ranchers. The final two paragraphs are on the left column of page five. Issue 3 and 4 Language English Pages 4-5 Publication Title SAIIC Newsletter Volume 5 Amazonian March Bolivia Bolivian Amazon Chimanes Rainforest La Paz March for Land and Dignity https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/f4200995683fcadb30151060566a0d11.pdf 9e6a934485e2f98bd797dd0115c7b0bf Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (23).pdf PDF Text Text I Integrating Traditional Forms of Organization, Modern Technology and Commerce (Bolivia) AIGACAA (Association of Llama and Alpaca Farmers of the High Andes) is an organization comprised of approximately 800 heads of households from ayllus (traditional Andean community structures) where the principal occupation is that of raising llamas and alpacas. AIGACAA has been functioning as an organization for over ten years. In June, Rene Pacasi, President of AIGACAA and Luis Ticona, the Administrator, were interviewed by SAIIC in Chuquiago, Kollasuyo (La Paz, Bolivia). They spoke of their successful experiences in community organizing. AIGACAA is organized in a manner corresponding with and helping to maintain the ayllu structure, which is the original form of organization in our communities. The ayllu structure continues to exist in most of what is now considered Bolivia. When speaking of the ayllu, we are referring to the territory occupied by the community and the natural resources controlled by the people of that community, such as the llamas and alpacas. · The ayllu has a particular form of leadership, the maximum authority of which is the jilacata. It is not easy to become a jilacata, it is a step-by-step procedure. The jilacata holds this position for one year and is not elected by the Western system of voting. A jilacata must demonstrate good moral conduct and leadership abilities within the ayllu and becomes the authority as a result of proving these qualities. In the process of organizing AIGACAA, we analyzed various organizational structures. We have found that the imported models are not effective. We took a careful look at our own Indigenous forms of organization, which take into account our particular economic situation. We wanted to strengthen the economy of the ayllu. One aspect of our workplan is to train members in methods to increase the production and quality of our animals. Since our organization is primarily concerned with livestock, we provide support by offering trainings to our members. We have an agreement with the University of Puno in Peru, which has been training many of our members as veterinary assistants and veterinarians. These scholarships require that these individuals return to their ayllus of origin to care for the animals of the community. AIGACAA also conducts literacy classes and craft workshops within communities. AIGACAA was successful in obtaining permission from the Bolivian Minister of Agriculture for the commercial use of llama and alpaca meat. This was an important victory for our organization. VoiS Nos3&4 Photo by Guillermo Delgado We collectively market the llama and alpaca wool which our members produce. Each head of household is paid in cash and trade for veterinary tools, medicines and syringes. We exchange the wool for objects of use to the members, because Bolivian currency is not used often within the ayllus. We use the trueque or barter system. The organization selects and processes the wool and is responsible for selling it to the weavers. We rent an industrial plant where we make yarn. One day, we would like to install a textile mill where the people who raise the llamas and alpacas will be processing the raw materials themselves. The present reality is such that the people providing natural resources and the people processing these materials are living in two different worlds. Rene Pacasi is from the ayllu Chacoya, in the Pacajes Province. Recalling that there used to be many more alpacas and llamas in his region, Rene states that, "They say that people who are strangers to the region are purchasing the llamas and alpacas at a very low price. They are hunting them, killing them and driving them to extinction. They say that is why so many of them have disappeared. Before the agrarian reform of 1952, we were united, not divided. We worked in the minka (traditonal work parties). After the agrarian reform, the land was divided and small land-holdings appeared. The distribution of land tore us apart. With the land parcelled out, each family could only raise a few animals. The minka is when families help each other out. I help them one day, and then they help me. We also have a ceremony for branding our animals and we will never lose this ceremony. We still do the challa, which is how we make offerings to Pachamama (Mother Earth). AIGACAA is helping us to rebuild our communities. You can contact AIGACAA at: Casma 6032 La Paz, BOLIVIA 23 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource AIGACAA: Integrating Traditional Forms of Organization, Modern Technology and Commerce (Andes) Type The nature or genre of the resource Thesis Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title AIGACAA: Integrating Traditional Forms of Organization, Modern Technology and Commerce (Andes) Item Type Thesis Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (23).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/10b615689310cc6f2b7906de36e6b1ad.pdf 511cdbddd02f890911a08715a537d298 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (40).pdf PDF Text Text South and Meso American Indian Information Center (SAlIC) Mailing Address: PO Box 28703 Oakland, California 94604 Office Address: 1212 Broadway, Suite 830 Oakland, California 94612 Tel: (415) 834-4263 Fax: (415) 834-4264 Photo of Quechua Indian girl by Dick Bancroft About SAlle ... Acknowledgements SAIiC's goals are to promote peace and social justice for Indian People: 1) by providing information to the general public in North America, Europe, and to human rights and solidarity organizations regarding the struggles for survival and selfdetermination of Indian peoples of South and Meso America; 2) by facilitating exchange and promoting direct communication and understanding between Native peoples. SAIiC's projects and programs include: 1) publication of the Newsletter in Spanish and English, as well as other special publications; 2) Indian Visitor Program; 3) human rights advocacy; 4) 500 Years of Resistance project; 5) Indian women's project; 6) public presentations; 7) resource library (periodicals and videos). SAlIC Welcomes All Contributions! All of our projects and programs are financed by donations. Due to the expansion of our office and staff, we need to expand our donor base. We are in special need of equipment and financial contributions. Please contact us to find out how you can best help us. Your generosity is greatly appreciated! All contributions are tax deductible to the extent allowed by law. SAlIC Membership A SAIIC membership entitles you to receive the SAIIC Newsletter, Urgent Action Bulletins, notification of special events in your area, and correspondence on the 500 Years of Indian Resistance Campaign. To receive a Personal SAIIC Membership for one year, send a $15 donation to our mailing address. For an Institutional Membership, send a $25 donation. Publications Available SAIIC has co-authored along with the Rainforest Action Network, Amazonia Film Project, and International Rivers Network a special publication designed to give added force to grassroots groups in the Amazon fighting in defense of the rainforest and basic human rights for the Indigenous people there. Amazonia - Voices from the Rainforest, A Resource and Action Guide is available from SAIIC for $8. The Quito Resolutions from the Conference on 500 Years of Indian Resistance are also available from SAIIC for $5. The SAlle Newsletter is provided free, in Spanish to Indian Organizations Meso America "We have recentl SAIIC thanks the following people for their contributions: Wara Aderete, Nilo Cayuqueo, Peter Veilleux, Karen Crump, Karl Guevarra Erb, Guillermo Delgado, Ram6n Diaz Lazo, David Lauer, Pat Brooks, Francesca Castaldi, Dardo Salas, Fernando Torres, Judy Shevelev, Arturo Ramirez, Gina Pacaldo, Xihuanel Huerta, Bobsy Draper, Dick Bancroft, James Muneta, Isidro Galli, Carlos Maibeth, Melina Selvertson, Alfredo Quarto, Nilak Butler, Debra Harry, Gail Gordon, Lynnda Gray, Juan RebQck, Lucilene Whitesell, David Balsam, Dr Carlos Escobar, Katherine Cole, Paul Haible, Sr Mary Peter Bruce, Joshua Mailman, Maya Miller, Jeffrey Bronfman, Jon Christenson, Kit Miller, Wes Huss,Angelica Mendoza, Cristina Marquez, Francisco Mamani, Juan Radovich, Veronica Huillipan, Emilienne Ireland, Diane Nelson, Yolanda Ronquillo, Funding Exchange, Peace Development Fund, Tides Foundation, Vanguard Foundation, Threshold Foundation, Methodist Church - Latin American Division, Agricultural in Mission, Church of Christ for the Homeland Ministries, Open Meadow Foundation, Amerindia, and Amnesty International. Special thanks to all the people at Intertribal Friendship House for sharing their space with us for seven years. in South & moved our offices! Please note our new addresses above! � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Cover Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Back Cover Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (40).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/7ab15477d204570dfb84458097aae5cb.pdf 6421e43d6a218d7d9a12cf1289f77d89 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (33).pdf PDF Text Text Indians and poor latinos, organized in CUC, urgently denounce the following atrocious crimes before their people and the international community: 1. Each day the pain and anguish suffered by their families, as a result of governmental repression, increases. In the month of June, the number of assassinations rose to 198, in addition to 20 kidnappings and 49 wounded in political violence. In the countryside, the kidnapping of Maria Mejia and the aggression on the part of the civil patrols against the government's Adjunct Ombudsman for Human Rights in Parraxtut, Sacapulas; the attack made on the Mutual Support Group (GAM) in Xepol, Chichicastenango; and the military sweeps carried out by civil patrollers in Huehuetenango, Solola, El Quiche, and other departments, add to the list of repressive actions. 2. Soldiers have threatened the communities of Zacualpa, El Quiche, saying that they are ready to carry out massacres like those of 1981, '82, and '83, which left hundreds of widows and clandestine mass graves. In the township of Chimatzat, Zacualpa, on July 12 at 3:00AM, soldiers dressed as civilians kidnapped Samuel de la Cruz Gomez, and beat his wife, Ignacia de la Cruz Gomez, and son, Genaro de la Cruz Gomez (age 16). In addition, they stole money and other belongings from the family. To justify the kidnapping, uniformed soldiers arrived five minutes later to say that guerrillas had carried out the kidnapping. With methods like these, they try to fool people and force them to participate in the illegal Civil Patrols. The army has occupied several townships of Zacualpa and San Andres. It is increasingly clear that the government and army are getting ready for another massacre like that of El Aguacate, Chimaltenango (November,l988). 3. On July 1, two civil patrol commanders, Santos Chic Us and Catalina Juarez, of Joyabaj, El Quiche, sent a death threat to department authorities to force them to oblige Tomas Lares Ciprian to join the Civil Patrol. Mr. Lares Ciprian has been struggling for his constitutional right to refuse to participate in the Civil Patrols. 4. In Chichicastenango, El Quiche, the military VoiS Nos3&4 commander is threatening people so that they will lie to reporters about the truth of military repression in the community. The army is also harassing members of the community who are organizing development committees and is keeping a strict watch on the markets in order to control how much food people buy. In the township of Chipaca Primero of Chichicastenango, Juan Tiriquiz Perez, 47 years old, was assassinated on July 8. 5. Thousands of displaced families are suffering aerial and land-based bombings, while on foot the army has destroyed many of their crops and houses. In the ghettos of the cities, threats and persecution against these displaced families are increasing. 6. Believing that the recent Presidential elections would divert attention from these abuses, the government and the army began a repressive campaign against the leaders and members of Indian, campesino, and popular organizations like CERJ, CUC, CONAVIGUA (Guatemalan National Widows Committee), GAM, cooperatives, catechists, all of those who are struggling to throw off the illegal Civil Patrols and to provide a little more food for their children. Through this campaign of terror, they are trying to justify a policy of repression in the upcoming months, supposedly to control the violent situation which they, themselves have created. Faced with the tragic situation in which they live, Guatemalans call on all governments, non-governmental organizations, human rights organizations, and people everywhere, to put pressure on the Guatemalan government and the army to investigate these crimes and punish those responsible for violating their human rights. want life peace. contact Comite de Unldad Campesina Postal Angel 000, Mexico DF MEXICO 33 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Campesino Unity Committee (CUC) Calls for Solidarity (Meso America) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Campesino Unity Committee (CUC) Calls for Solidarity (Meso America) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (33).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/00000a93b7c39cc1da348edcfeb59a46.pdf c8fa1d16a855f8d43567521b2b954b19 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (28-30).pdf PDF Text Text earing for his life after denouncing the Peruvian Army being responsible for the "Cayara Massacre/' Dr. Carlos Escobar fled Peru with the aid of Amnesty International. He was the appointed Prosecutor for the Ministry of Public Affairs whose jurisdiction included the zone of Ayacucho, Peru, from July 1987 to November 1988. SAIIC had the opportunity of interviewing Carlos Escobar in the end of June. What follows are excerpts of that interview. SAIIC: Why are you now in the United States and what are you denouncing? Carlos Escobar (CE): I was taken out of Peru by Amnesty International due to an investigation I conducted there about a massacre of peasants in the Cayara zone, Department of Ayacucho, in 1988. The military killed 31 persons and "disappeared" another 40. But the idea was to kill them so the massacre could be blamed on Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path guerrilla group). They killed them in front of their families with knifes, axes and machetes. The investigation established that 200 military personnel participated in the massacre. The order was given by a General, the Chief of the Political-Military Command of the zone. On October 14,1988, I turned in the report and by the 18th, my office was shut down by the Attorney General. After that, there was a mandate to close the investigation. No accusation was made and as the days passed, the people who had already given witness in my presence, 41 in all, were detained by the army. In other words the office of the Attorney General gave out the names and addresses of the witnesses. In September, 1989, the most important witness, a nurse of campesino descent who was pressing charges against the General himself, was killed. In our work, my office uncovered evidence of 200 "disappeared" people who were detained in army barracks. Almost all of them showed signs of physical torture. The army detains people for supposed participation in terrorist acts, but nothing is ever proven. The work of our office was to pressure the military headquarters into freeing these people and to obtain evidence of illegal activities by army personnel. SAIIC: How can you be certain that members of the army committed the Cayara massacre? 28 CE: Two-hundred army personnel were recognized not only because of their uniforms, but because they arrived in army trucks and government helicopters. What happened was that the previous day, May 13, in a town called Erusco, ten minutes from Cayara, a platoon was ambushed and terrorists killed 4 military personnel. The next day, the army carne and took over the town. They killed the people in front of the children and in front of their wives. They staged it to look as if Sendero committed the massacre. SAIIC: Before, you mentioned to us an interesting contradiction. You were telling us that the soldiers who committed this heinous act are also Indigenous people. Is this true? CE: The army administration is made up of middle class officials. This class is not Indigenous. Army officials reject the peasants, believing themselves to be superior. They treat peasants like animals. But the army's rank and file includes Indigenous people who are, themselves, manipulated to combat their Indigenous brothers. In Peru, the draft is mandatory at 18 years of age. The Navy has a reputation for being very courageous in Peru. It was funny to see that in the jungle zones, they utilize Indigenous people for protection. From 6pm they are secluded in their barracks and they leave two or three people from a local village with whistles on a platform to alert them if terrorists arrive. SAIIC: What is the status of the investigation now? CE: In Peru it has been indefinitely closed. I was called to Washington on May 14th by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States. This commission is conducting its own investigation of the massacre. If there is sufficient evidence, the case can be taken to the International Court. SAIIC: What is the purpose for militarily organizing civilian patrols in Indian communities? CE: To confront Sendero Luminoso. In the Ayacucho zone, these groups do not form at people's initiative. The army has tried to mandate the creation of these groups but it doesn't always work. SAIIC Nevvsletter �SAIIC: What is the relation between Sendero and the communities? There is information about massacres committed by Sendero in some communities, isn't there? SAIIC: What do you see in the future of the Indian population of Peru and how can solidarity organizations help? CE: For almost two years I have been investigating this and I have not seen even one community voluntarily collaborate with Sendero. People in the communities fear the army as well as Sendero. When the army or Sendero patrols arrive, people collaborate with them only out of fear. CE: The government has never bothered about the poorest zones of the country: Ayacucho, Apurimac and Huancaveliva. That is why Sendero became active there. The population there doesn't have anything to lose. A good way to help them is by communicating directly with the organizations which are truly representative of them. These are organizations of farmers and peasants. The organization of the families of the disappeared has headquarters in Ayacucho. This is where people from many different communities meet. They come with their children, prepare food in a soup kitchen for the orphans, and write down their testimonies to take to the prosecutor's office. SAIIC: But are the accusations about assassinations and massacres of supposed army collaborators by Sendero true? CE: This happens. When an army patrol arrives in a community, the people collaborate out of fear of being beaten up or robbed. Afterwards, when a Sendero patrol arrives, there are people who denounce them so that they will not be beaten or robbed by Sendero. In other words, the Indian people are caught in the cross-fire. SAIIC: Do you have any information of US military bases in the jungle, being used to train the Peruvian army to fight the narcotraffickers? SAIIC: There is great concern about the number of orphans whose parents have been killed in the violence. Is there any support for the communities which have to take care of these children? CE: The important thing is not only to help the orphans, but to prevent the killing of more people. In the Cayara case, a woman whose husband was killed, testified. She escaped with her six children. The military took her as a prisoner and because she was a prime witness, they killed her too, leaving the six children without protection. CE: I have learned that the North American government has One of the witnesses recovering from bullet given economic aid of approxiwounds in a nearby hospital. mately 36 million dollars. A big portion of this goes to the army. Nevertheless, the army in Peru has no legal jurisdiction to fight drug trafficking. SAIIC: Are traditions, like the minka [communal This legally falls under the jurisdiction of Police forces. work] in the Quechua areas, being preserved? Possibly this money is being used to confront subversion, CE: In the entire zones of Ayacucho, Apurimac and that is a completely different situation. and Cuzco, traditions are still strong. The minka is even SAIIC: Governments tend to mix the concepts of being exploited by the army. They make people work for subversion and narco-trafficking. This provides a pretext nothing, utilizing the minka system to build roads. And to repress the population, and ultimately, to fully exploit the people obey because they are used to it, the minka is human and natural resources. part of their upbringing. CE: The government has publicised the fact that SAIIC: Peru has a new government now. Do you Sendero has links with drug traffickers, but I don't know think that there will be changes in the human rights if this is exactly true or simply a way to attract US situation? Will the violations persist? monies. In the Huallaga Zone, drug-traffickers operate CE: The government is not confronting the with small airplanes and it would be impossible for the guerrillas adequately. The political and military control Peruvian airforce not to detect them. In the same way of emergency zones is under the sole command of an that drugs leave the country, sophisticated weaponry army general who doesn't know what human rights are. enters, and Sendero has never attacked a community If he does know, he disregards them. That is why there with sophisticated weaponry. The weapons confiscated from them are those stolen from the police or the army. If are so many disappeared people. The police are controlled by the Public Ministry. The Attorney General can Sendero had some control over the drug-traffickers, if enter all their stations, but he cannot enter any military there were any sort of relationship there, they would headquarters. have sophisticated weapons. The fact is that they don't. Voi5Nos3&4 29 �SAllC: Why can't the Attorney General enter military headquarters, is there a law that prohibits this? CE: No. There is no such law, but there is the gun. The Attorney General is the law, but in remote zones such as Ayacucho where the military is omnipotent, the Attorney General cannot enter their headquarters. That is why, if we suspend emergency zones, we can solve the problem of the disappeared. The emergency zones are at the core of the problem. In Peru the emergency zones include 40 percent of the country. It would be a radical change to send the military back to their barracks. In these zones, the army has created a kind of status quo. They are very entrenched in being there and extorting the people, etc ... When [former President] Alan Garda said the emergency zone status of Ayacucho would be lifted, car bombs immediately appeared in Ayacucho. The Attorney General's office investigated one of those car bombings and we came to the conclusion that it was How You Can Write to the Peruvian President 1) expressing your concern at the murders and tortures in the Ayacucho Province,2) request that a prompt and independent investigation of the tortures and killings be carried out, that the results be made public and those responsible be brought to justice, 3) request that safety of the witnesses be ensured, 4) contact your local media to give publicity to these atrocities. Last-Minute SAIIC was just informed by Amnesty International about more tortures and deaths of Quechua Indian people in the Department of Ayacucho. At least 16 people were tortured by soldiers, as a result of which three of them died, in the province of Vilcashuaman, Department of Ayacucho. On September 25, at 7am, a contingent of soldiers from the Accomarca military base, led by officials · nicknamed "Moreno" and "Gitano," went to the community of Pucapaccana in the Province of Vilcashuaman. They reportedly called the community together and forced them to hand over cattle, money and belongings. The reports add that the names of Bernabe Balde6n Garda, Jesus Balde6n Zapata and Santos Balde6n Palacios were read from a list and they were ordered to accompany the soldiers to Pacchalualhua, bringing the animals with them. Bernabe Balde6n Garda was among the confirmed dead. On their way three women who 30 planted by the army. So the President revoked his order. Today fifty percent of the population of Ayacucho is military or police. SAllC: With the US promoting the militarization of the coca production zones, will the situation in the emergency zones be aggravated? CE: I think the problem of drugtrafficking is wrongly emphasized. The problem is not the production, but the consumption. If there is nobody to consume cocaine, who is going to produce it? The consumption must be attacked and that must happen in the US. Peruvians have been using coca leaves for thousands of years and it's caused no problems, ever! It's part of the tradition. So why try to eradicate the production of coca leaves? For North Americans, it would be cheaper to control their borders, than to spend what they are spending in weaponry in South America, unless, of course, they have other goals... Presidente Alberto Fujimori Presidente de Ia Republica Palacio de Gobiemo Plaza de Armas Lima 1, PERU For more information on human rights in Peru, contact: Coordinadora de Derechos Humanos Horacio Hurteaga 704 Jesus Maria Lima, PERU were grazing their sheep were reportedly raped by five of the soldiers escorting the detainees. When the group arrived at Pacchahuallhua, they were taken to a local government center where they were joined by other men, women and school children, who were being held by soldiers who had carried out similar raids in nearby areas. Ill-treatment and torture reportedly took place in a nearby church. In a written denunciation made by the Federation of Vilcashuaman Institutions (FIPV), its representatives describe the torture to which the peasants were subjected: ...they were tied up with wire and hung upside-down from a beam and whipped; afterwards they were made to lie on the floor, one on top of another, fanning a pile of human bodies such that the person at the bottom carried the weight of all the others and the soldiers jumped on top of them; after this illtreatment they were submerged in ... hot and ... cold water ...until they were dying ... SAIIC Nevvsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Caught in the Crossfire!: Peruvian Prosecutor Denounces Massacre of Quechua Indians in Ayacucho (Andes) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Caught in the Crossfire!: Peruvian Prosecutor Denounces Massacre of Quechua Indians in Ayacucho (Andes) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (28-30).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/90a9bc0a0693002d57dd907dcb6703b8.pdf c03d720d4e1f315288b6e1addfbc3bb3 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (26).pdf PDF Text Text The production and trafficking of drugs is a highly profitable, transnational capitalist activity. At present, the production and trafficking of drugs is one of the most profitable businesses in the world, equal or superior to arms trafficking. Drug trafficking is not an "external evil" of capitalism. The term "illegal" does not explain the economic reality, since capitalism, according to its own logic, accepts any activity which generates the process of capital accumulation, whether this activity be harmful to humanity or not. Thus, we have seen phenomena ranging from the contamination of the environment by legal industrial activities, to the major weapons industries raking in record profits as a result of genocidal wars . The drug trafficker is acting within the framework of the capitalist system, not against nor outside of it. The notion that the narcotics industry is reserved for shadowy criminals is a fallacy. In fact, the narcotics industry forms part of the international economy. Those who control the international trafficking of "illegal" drugs are also those who control"respectable" and "legal" enterprises. Billions of dollars are injected into the world's markets as a result of "illegal" trafficking of drugs. This tremendous sum is invested in all areas of industry and has helped reactivate the economies of major industrial nations. Given this situation, referring to drug production and trafficking as part of an underground economy is profoundly contradictory. Condemning Indigenous people as the source of the problem is more practical and acceptable for policymakers in the industrialized countries than examining and correcting the problems in their own culture. In any event, if cocaine production were to end, the present drug-users would continue to consume legal, illegal, natural and/ or synthetically-produced drugs. This situation has been exacerbated by the North American government's drastic cutbacks in drug treatment programs, among other significant social programs. The official discourse has incorporated two completely different realities into one issue: the reality behind coca and the reality surrounding cocaine use. Lumping these together invokes feelings of social decay and collective guilt. Coca has been stigmatized, its use (whether masticated, used as a medicine, or in ceremonies) has been confused with drug addiction. Coca, as the raw material for cocaine, has been targeted as the critical element in the "crime" of drug trafficking. Therefore, the coca growers, the 26 peasant farmers and the nations located in the coca growing region, have been fingered as the guilty parties. Rather than approaching the problem of drug addiction in a rational and objective manner, human feelings and social values are being manipulated. Without a doubt, the interests of those in power lie behind this discourse. It is necessary to change the manner in which the problem has been approached, analyzing the concrete differences existing between coca and cocaine, two distinct phenomena and two distinct realities. 1. Coca and cocaine are two completely different substances. The first is a natural substance which produces no harmful effects on human health, is of great nutritional value, and possesses medicinal properties. The second is the result of a chemical transformation, denaturing coca in both appearance and effects. Cocaine is harmful. It is a drug which destroys and enslaves. 2. Coca cultivation and cocaine production are two radically different activities with respect to the material and social wealth generated by each. 3. The marketing of coca is completely different from the marketing and transportation of cocaine. The use of the coca leaf in its natural state, whether masticated, employed to cure or as part of a ritual, is a harmless, traditional manner of using the leaf. Drug trafficking is a problem for the producer nations because it involves a new form of economic, political and social aggression by the capitalist system. It maintains and reinforces a dependent relationship with consumer nations, and requires the economic and political subjugation of the producer nations. The clandestine nature of drug trafficking has contributed to the extremely inhumane working conditions for those involved. It has created a social sector which is virtually enslaved. Additionally, the production and trafficking of drugs in the producer nations is encouraging the use of these drugs locally. In light of the dramatic differences between coca and cocaine, it is necessary to change the course of "drug war" policies. The present policies of the consumer nations constitute a direct aggression against the coca producing farmers, namely the Indigenous populations of the Andes. These policies do not represent an effective means of interdiction because they are based on the premise that coca cultivation is at the root of the problem, which is clearly not the case. To lash out against Indigenous farmers is certainly easier, less costly and more prudent than combating the drug traffickers whose origins lie in Western culture. SAIIC Newsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Coca and Cocaine - as Different as Grape is from Wine (Coca) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Coca and Cocaine - as Different as Grape is from Wine (Coca) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (26).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/5ac922a0e9d1c28befc2c8ca71abab5b.pdf f192bda625fd5a5ba613f2f2c66ddebe Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (24-25).pdf PDF Text Text gs coca in their cheeks. With it they sang hymns of gods. They made a rebellious earth produce ni'le"!l~rprohibits it, these people will respond with the oca has been the object of debate since the Spanish invasion in the XVI century. It originated in Antisuyo, the rainforest region now considered part of Peru and Bolivia. From this region coca spread, thousands of years ago, to the Andean region. The discovery of pouches full of coca and packets of llijta (a lime mixture which is taken with the coca leaves) in gravesites ten centuries old, confirms assertions that coca use constitutes a long-standing tradition in the region. The use of coca was widespread by the time of the European invasion of the Americas and there were no known laws prohibiting its use. During the colonial era, when coca was identified by the dominant Spanish class as an essential factor in the rituals of Andean culture, it was perceived as an evil herb which needed to be eliminated in order to assure the salvation of the Indigenous people 's souls. Presently, attempts to prohibit the use and cultivation of coca are the consequence of the growing illicit use of cocaine, which has wrongly been identified with the coca leaf, from which it is derived. The opposition to the use of the coca leaf is based on the supposition that the coca leaf is a narcotic drug. There is no evidence of this whatsoever. Nevertheless this assumption has been used by the oligarchy in their efforts to repress Indigenous people. The view that the coca leaf is a narcotic drug from which Indigenous people must be protected, is a notion steeped in paternalism, viewing the Indian as incapable of making his /her own decisions. Such an attitude constitutes yet another attempt to destroy the structures and values of Andean culture and Westernize the Indigenous population. Coca is an essential component of the social web and human solidarity in the Andean world. It is used at ceremonies following strict social rules. Coca does not 24 produce harmful effects, nor the social decomposition associated with alcohol use in western social groups. With respect to social relationships, coca is used as an offering which signifies friendship and generosity. The act of sharing coca with other persons is a very important occurrence which seals the fraternal bonds of mutual trust among the participants. "When people care about each other, they invite each other to chew coca. First we chew it a little and thank each other; then we begin to chat" (Ataliano Perez). 'We women have always participated in these rituals. All of us women form a group to chew the coca and to make offerings to Pachamama (Mother Earth), along with the men, because this has been the custom since long ago" (Serafina Cusipoma). On the other hand there is no other remedy with as many nor as vast an array of uses and high efficacy as the coca leaf. In this respect, coca is one of the most outstanding components of popular medicine. It has become indispensable in sustaining the physical and emotional well-being of the Andean person. "Coca is used for just about every sickness. When the stomach hurts, we make a coca leaf tea. It is also used for cramping and swelling. It is very effective in warding off the cold and for curing snake bites. Pregnant women benefit from coca. When it is applied to a wound, the blood stops flowing immediately." (Ines Limachi, Macedonio Mendes, Demetrio Verduguez) Studies of the chemical composition of the leaf have demonstrated that it contains significant quantities of vitamins A, Bl, B2, and C, as well as iron and calcium. All of these vitamins and minerals are necessary to maintaining a healthy diet. In high Andean regions, vegetables and fresh fruits are scarce, making coca's contribution to the diet all the more important. Thus, it can be concluded that the factors which have motivated the prohibition of coca over the past five centuries are not due to problems existing in SAIIC Newsletter �the Andean culture. Nevertheless, the conflict with western culture has triggered the prohibition of coca, a measure reflecting the interests of the dominant classes and certainly not those of the Andean peoples. Coca has been used in the Andes for about 4,000 years, despite continuous reprisals against those engaged in coca use and cultivation during the last 500 years. Those who support the abolition of the coca leaf, view themselves as saviors of the Andean inhabitants. The reality is that they are attempting to free themselves of a particularly western problem: cocaine addiction. This assumes that the Indian is a defenseless child, needing protection from himself. Once again, "integration" without respect for Indian culture is the goal. In fact, this is an effort to destroy the Indigenous culture under the pretext of "progress" and "civilization" in a manner similar to that of five centuries ago, when deep cultural values differing from those of the invading civilization, were ruthlessly attacked in the name of Christianity. The cross has now been replaced by the banner of progress, development and the "war on drugs." This latest assault constitutes one of the worst cultural aggressions in history and has been carried out consciously, without even the excuse of ignorance used retrospectively by the Spanish to disguise the crimes surrounding their invasion. In 1962 the Geneva Convention resolved to eradicate coca cultivation within the next 25 years. This resolution is a violation of the right to free choice of entire peoples and cultures. Furthermore, since this resolution was passed, nothing has been added to the body of knowledge about coca which indicates that the manner in which it has been utilized by the Andean people is damaging to their health and would warrant such radical, unjust, repressive and farreaching legislation. However, in the same way that a culture cannot be altered by the simple passage of a repressive law, the signing of a decree and the implementation of eradication plans which ignore the reality of the Andean people will not be successful in terminating coca use in the Andes. We should ask ourselves seriously if the utopic goal of eliminating drug addiction in the United States justifies cultural aggression against the Andean people. The question should also be asked as to whether eliminating coca in the Andes is going to resolve the problem or simply motivate the international drug traffickers to switch to some other drug, equally desirable to the nation's youth in their quest to escape reality. Meanwhile, the Andean people will be left, having born the brunt of brutal physical and cultural assault on their population. Ralph Bolton from the Anthropological Institute of the University of Trondheim stated back in 1979: international agencies which favor this line of action in combating the drug problem in the United States and Europe. These agencies do not take into account the rights of millions of Indigenous people in the Andes for whom the coca leaf is a sacred and integral part of their daily lives. The decisions adopted by politicians and bureaucrats of diverse nationalities, attempting to ban the use of coca, are a violation of the basic rights of the Quechua and Aymara peoples who wish to maintain their cultures, practice their religions, conserve their identities, and protect their health; that is to say, exercise their right to biological and cultural survival. The coca eradication program, judged by its effects, is a form of ethnocide. (Bolton, R.,1979) Recently, the U.S. has launched an international campaign targeting drug trafficking and focusing on the media in order to influence the public and promote the dominant culture's ideology. This campaign seeks to pressure the producer nations. Military actions have been launched in these countries under the pretext of combating the drug problem. Such was the case in Bolivia in 1986 when the U.S. occupied the nation in an operation dubbed BOL-USA. At present the U.S. has installed military bases in the Peruvian jungle using the same pretext. The true goal of these activities, however, is to establish strategic control zones in areas considered "low-intensity conflict'' zones, as well as in those regions where U.S. interests face imminent danger. In February of 1990, the governments of Bolivia, Colombia, Peru and the U.S met in Cartagena, Colombia, to organize a plan of action against the narcotrafficking industry. While the U.S. insists on "militarization," the coca producing nations have attempted to establish a more integrated development plan. Indian people have been noticeably absent from all of these discussions. Nevertheless, there is no evidence today of a reduction in coca producing activities. Similarly, drug trafficking has continued unabated, and the drug traffickers have not been prosecuted. Since the U.S Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) began operating in Bolivia, the area under cultivation for coca has multiplied a minimum of three times. Likewise, drug trafficking operations now involve capital over five times superior to that of pre-DEA operations in Bolivia. Considering these results, it would appear that the actual mission of this agency is the exact opposite of that which it claims to be. Foreign pressure on the Andean governments to declare the use and production of coca leaves illegal, has intensified lately. These pressures are the result of measures taken by the North American and VoiS Nos3&4 25 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Coca: Symbol of 500 Years of Resistance in the Andes: The Sacred Leaf and the "War on Drugs" Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Coca: Symbol of 500 Years of Resistance in the Andes: The Sacred Leaf and the "War on Drugs" Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (24-25).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/c7b7dda70f1063a314130a28fc6bcbdd.pdf e02d656aeeafaf117432a759a3b82cd9 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (15).pdf PDF Text Text I When the gates to the hydroelectric dam "Piedra del Aguila" were opened, an important part of the Mapuche community of Pilquiniyeu were covered eternally with water. The inundated areas included the cemetery, where our ancestors rest, as well as the site of many cave paintings. - the Indigenous Council of Rio Negro (Rio Negro, Argentina) Heralding the slogan, "Energy to Move the Country," Rio Negro's provincial government, moving fullspeed ahead, signed a contract with the Hidronor Enterprise which allowed for the construction of a major hydroelectric facility at Piedra del Aguila. The facility is one of a series which are planned for the Limay River, stretching from the Rio Negro to the Neuquen Provinces in the South of Argentina. The estimated cost of the project is 1.2 billion dollars and is being financed by the Inter-American Development Bank. The project is expected to generate ten-percent of the country's total energy needs. ment for the families who lost their homes and farms in the flooding. The dam was built with such poor standards that a structural crack has already been detected. The Latin American Council of the Social Sciences, FLACSO, said that the damning of these lands is "yet another step in the relentless process leading to the disappearance of the history and cultures of Indigenous peoples." Minis. Recursos Naturales Viedma, Negro In addition to the sacred sites, the 9,300 inundated hectares included a fertile valley, containing extensive forest reserves, fruit orchards and the subsistence farms of 130 Mapuche people. The 29 homeless families were relocated to neighboring lands which the government expropriated. In addition to the land, the government promised these families new homes. Nevertheless, the only homes constructed thus far have been precarious emergency shelters. Clearly, the project budget did not include an allot- Vo15Nos3&4 15 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Construction of Dam Forces Mapuches to Abandon Ancestral lands (Southern Cone) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Construction of Dam Forces Mapuches to Abandon Ancestral lands (Southern Cone) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (15).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/cedf838e7b51f713bba6e70b6542fee4.pdf 6111bf202e3a265d41af977e05c532fa Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (1).pdf PDF Text Text s outh and Meso American Indian I ntonnation Center Newsletter Vol 5 Nos 3&4, December 1990 The Delegations to the Continental Conference on 500 Years of Indian Resistance tour San Francisco de las Cajas which was reclaimed by Quechua Indian people in the Ecuador Uprising. See pages 2, 18, 20 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cover Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource December 1990 Zotero Title Cover Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (1).pdf Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (1).pdf Abstract Note Cover of Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Issue 3 and 4 Language English Pages 1 Publication Title SAIIC Newsletter Volume 5 December December 1990