1 12 39 https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/69302c4e261929132d4245d6d44748e4.pdf 0369d7dde2d97f2e81ade600deedfed2 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4.pdf PDF Text Text s outh and Meso American Indian I ntonnation Center Newsletter Vol 5 Nos 3&4, December 1990 The Delegations to the Continental Conference on 500 Years of Indian Resistance tour San Francisco de las Cajas which was reclaimed by Quechua Indian people in the Ecuador Uprising. See pages 2, 18, 20 �Editorial ..................................................................;.......................................................... 3 Amazon 700 Amazonian March & Dignity........................................... 4 Guarani Community Uprooted ............................................................................ 6 Indian People of Roraima Issue Call Help.................................................... 6 President Postures Under International Pressure............................ 7 Toba Reclaim their Traditional lands ................................................................ 8 Mennonites Invade Mbya lands Paraguay ................................................... 9 Indigenous I Environmental Summit ...................................................... 10 Oil Companies Threaten Indian Communities in Ecuador............................... 12 Ecuadorian Government Sued Indian I Environmentalist Alliance ........ 13 Southern Cone Damn Forces Mapuches to Abandon Ancestral lands.................................. 15 "Nehuen Mapu" -Interview with Veronica Huilipan........................................ 16 Pehuenche Families Refuse to be Driven Off lands............................... 17 Kings Visit Protested ........................................................................................... 18 Andes Uprising Ecuador............................................................................................ 19 Declaration of Quito ............................................................................................. Arhuaco Indian leaders Murdered ................................................................... 22 Felipe Quispe Huanca Arrested Released ................................................ 22 AIGACAA-Integrating Traditional Forms of Organization and Commerce .. 23 Coca: Symbol of 500 Years Resistance ...................................................... US Promotion of Militarization Continues ........................................................ 27 Peruvian Prosecutor Denounces Massacre in Ayacucho .............................. Meso America Massacre of Tzutijillndians in Santiago Atitlan .............................................. 31 Campesino Unity Committee (CUC) Calls for Solidarity................................ 33 First Gathering of Indian Nations of El Salvador............................................. 34 North America Canadian Government. ........................................ 35 Mohawk lands Indian Student Alliance Denounces US Aggression in Middle East ........... 36 Conference Updates Indian Women Meet in the land the Reindeer People............................... 37 Sixth Conference Adopts 1992 Resolutions........................................... 39 North American 500 Years Conference Held ......................................... 39 About SAIIC ....................................................................................................... Back Page 2 SAIIC Newsletter �system lmJ,o£l;ea can-Americans, populations ""''"''~'•••u and respect. See Page 20 for the Declaration of Quito Voi5Nos3&4 3 �I "We Indian people have walked so that everyone in Bolivia and throughout the world will know that we exist and that we have our rights. We want our ancestral lands which have been stolen by ranchers and logging companies, returned to us. We are perfectly capable of managing these lands on our own!" -Marcial Fabricano (Bolivia) On August 15th 1990,300 Indian people left the Beni Region of the Bolivian Amazon on a march to the Bolivian capitol of La Paz, high in the Andes. The march grew in strength as they passed through Indian village after Indian village on the long, uphill trek. The marchers mobilized almost one-quarter million lowland Indian people along the way. In La Paz, they publicized the many abuses against their peoples being perpetrated by timber companies and ranchers. Among others, the following communities participated in the march: Chimanes, Yuracares, Matacos, Movimas, Sirionos, Waranis, Mosetenes, Cobendo, Chipayas, Sancalixto, San Lorenzo de Mojos, Chiriwanos. The marchers primary demands are the inmemorial right Indian people have to the lands where they have lived for thousands of years, and that timber companies and ranchers respect these rights. They demanded the return and the restoration of the once pristine forests which the Bolivian government leased to seven lumber companies. In 1978, 1.47 million hectares of the Chimanes Rainforest (located at the entrance to the Bolivian Amazon) was declared a "Forest Reserve." In 1982,135,000 hectares of the same land was declared a Biosphere Reserve by UNESCO. Then in 1986, the Bolivian government arbitrarily changed the legal status of the Chimanes Forest to "Forest of Permanent Production." The government then began to sell logging concessions within the preserve to lumber companies. Over 11,700 cubic meters of fine hardwood have been cut and no reforestation measures have been taken. The 700 delegates marched for 33 days, experiencing radical temperature changes as they made the Andean climb. In the Highlands, they were greeted by powerful Aymara and Quechua organizations which welcomed their lowland brothers with ancient rituals, where offerings were made to the sacred Achachila Mountains of La Cumbre. Part of the huge success of this historical march is due to the very personal expression of grievances, Indian nation to Indian nation. The idea for the March for Land and Dignity grew out of the Second Encounter for Unity among the Indigenous People of the Beni Region and was led by CPIB (Indigenous Peoples' Central Office of Beni Province). 4 Please write and express your solidarity with the Central de Pueblos lndigenas del Beni CPIB Casilla 58 Trinidad, Beni BOLIVIA Tel: 011-591-46-21525 SAIIC Newsletter �In a recent letter SAIIC received from they wish to thank individuals, grass-mots organizations and international institutions which have supported them in their struggle. But the struggle has only just begun! The situation has become tenser and could lead to confrontation at any moment The Minister of Campesino in Trinidad (the site of the commencemt of the March) recently ruled in favor of cattle-ranchers who are occupying ·Indian lands in lbiato. CPIB was told repeatedly that these ranchers would be removed from Siriono Indian lands and that the government would resolve this issue with the ranchers. The fact is that the terms of the Decrees require that these and other issues be resolved fairly, and they are not In the meantime, the Indian of the Bolivian Amazon are witnessing the uncontrollable acceleration of the plundering of resources their lands. In the letter SAIIC received, CPIB states: As a result of the march, on September 22, the Indian delegates achieved the signing of five Supreme Decrees which restore their rights to their traditional lands and set down the basis for their treatment as equals, rather than as second class citizens. For this reason, we would like the Bolivian nation and the International community to know that we will not tolerate further deceit; therefore, we renew our call to the Bolivian people and the international for their staunch support, so that together, we may be alerted, demonstrating our willingness to see that the Decrees we have earned are carried out in good faith and not be subverted in their intent. The march and successful bargaining for ecological preservation on the part of Indian people, sets a precedent for an effective way of defending the rainforest ecology. There is no alternative to completely removing the "quick profit mentality" of the timber companies. The march has demonstrated that this is possible. CPIB is requesting that letters be written in support of the Indian of Amazon, demanding that the Decrees be honored by Send letters to: President Jaime Paz Zamora Palacio Presidencial Plaza Murillo La Paz, BOLIVIA Voi5Nos3&4 5 �(Misiones, Argentina) According to AmerindiaBoletin de las Comunidades Indigenas, seven Guarani families, including 17 children, were forced out of their homes, which were subsequently burned. This atrocity took place in the Port of Iguazu, in the northeastern province of Argentina, bordering on Brazil and Paraguay. Officials from the government's Land and Colonization Department joined police forces in uprooting the families and burning down their homes. The Guarani families were then forced into a truck and abandoned in a barren, rocky area bordering a garbage dump, where they were forced to spend one of the coldest nights of the year. The violent eviction of the Guarani families, none of whom held official title to their ancestral lands, came as a result of a contract between the Misiones provincial government and the Iguazu Company. The contract was for the sale of 500 hectares to the Iguazu Company (at a cost of $400 million). The company is constructing a tourist complex on the land, which is adjacent to the world-famous Iguazu Falls. Piera, and the Popular Ecumenical Action Branch in Misiones were among them. Representatives from many Indian organizations expressed support for their Guarani brothers and sisters. The leader of the Guarani community, Jose Espindola, expressed " ... great sorrow for the seventeen children who were exposed to the extremely low nighttime temperatures as a result of the eviction, as well as for the incredible lack of sensitivity demonstrated by the white men with respect to our culture and lifestyle." People from various organizations expressed their outrage over the evictions and their solidarity with the Guarani families. The Bishop pf Misiones, Joaquin I I (Brazil) The Macuxi and the Wauja of Roraima are threatened with extinction because the policies of FUNAI (the Brazilian Bureau of Indian Affairs) which encourage encroachment on the lands, lives, and properties of Indigenous peoples. Like the Wauja, leaders of the 15,000 surviving savannah Macuxi have for years formally complained about actions of illegal poachers on their lands. They have witnessed FUNAI effectively defending only those who usurp Macuxi and Wauja lands, lives, and property, and that FUNAI policies have precipitated another era of lawlessness in this region of Roraima. Acts of violence have been committed on behalf of poachers and landowners who are sanctioned by complicitous FUNAI/Brazilian laws. These acts include assault, battery, and hundreds of murders. They have been committed against trade union leaders, competing peasants and/ or poachers, as well as Indian people. Two Macuxi Indians from the Jiboia maloca (communal house) of Santa Cruz, in the state of Roraima were killed on June 25, 1990. The two men, 19 year-old Mario Davis and 35 year-old Damiao Mendes, were allegedly murdered by employees of an influential landowner while they were out herding pigs. Their bodies were found on the banks of the Mau River, three 6 kilometers from their house. The Conselho Indigena de Roraima (Indian Council of Roraima - CIR) informed the public of the murders. Earlier in April1990, the CIR petitioned the federal police and state prosecutor to intervene in racist crimes against lives and properties of Indigenous peoples. They requested an impartial investigation of associated lawlessness involving Roraima's police and poachers and landlords. At present, they also demand: (1) that they undertake full and impartial investigation of the recent murders of Mendes and Davis; (2) that they bring the perpetrators to justice; (3) that they publicize all related decisions, findings, and actions in adjudication of these cases in Roraima. Atamai, the principal chief of the Wauja Nation seeks support from international groups and individuals concerning the violation of their sovereignty and human rights, including religious rights through usurpation of their traditional lands, destruction of their homes and property, and thinly veiled threats upon their lives by foreign and domestic poachers acting in collusion with the Brazilian government. This very old land dispute between FUNAI and the Wauja concerns sacred and fertile agricultural land located in the southwestern SAIIC Newsletter �corner of Xingu National Park, south of Batovi and Ulupuene rivers. Atamai accuses FUNAI of the following: (1) the publication of maps which altered the boundary of unceded traditional Wauja lands without the prior consent of the Wauja Nation; (2) failure to rectify initial complaints voiced by Atamai before FUNAI concerning these errors; (3) through omission (e.g., failure to protect rights of the Wauja) and/ or commission via these documents, aiding and abetting subsequent foreign and domestic poachers on Wauja lands; (4) subsequent use of indirect threats on Wauja life and property in its attempt to silence W auja protests concerning land poachers and FUNAI's failure to adjudicate Wauja complaints about land rights; and (5) unlawfully defending the usurpation of Wauja lands which the agency now claims belong to non-Indians under Brazilian law. Atamai states that it is urgent that we now pressure the Brazilian government to ethically adjudicate the Wauja situation before lives are lost on both sides. This situation is critical since racist poachers recently destroyed three W auja houses containing not easily replaceable tools and medical supplies (late summer, 1990). Send letters, Faxes, telegrams, telexes 1) urging that a thorough, prompt and impartial investigation be opened into killings of Damiao Mendes and Mario Davis, that the results be made public, and that those found responsible be brought to justice; 2) urging that a thorough, prompt and impartial invesconcerning the tigation be made of above five accusations, and that justice is carried out in regards to Wauja land claims; 3) respectfully reminding the authorities their duties to offer effective protection through judicial or other means to individuals and/or groups who are in danger of extrajudicial executions, including those who receive death threats.. Send your appeals to: President Collor de Mello Presidencia de Ia Republica, Gabinete Civil Palacio do Planalto, CEP 70150 Brasilia DF BRASIL Sr Bermardo Cabral Ministro da Justica Esplanada dos Ministerios Bloco 23 70.064 Brasilia DF BRAZIL Fax: 011-55-61-224-4357 Telegrams: Ministro Justica Brasilia, BRAZIL Telex: 391 611003 MNJU BR Voi5Nos3&4 I • IS My people, the Yanomami, are dying. When they take the minerals from under the earth, whites do not realize that they are spreading poison throughout the world, and that the world will come to an end, will die.- Davi Yanomami (Brazil) With these words, Yanomami leader Davi Kopenawa describes the tragedy of his people. In the past three years a goldrush has brought 45,000 miners to the state of Roraima, home of the Yanomami Tribe (See SAIIC Newsletter, Vol. 5, Nos. 2 & 3). The mining operations have severely damaged the environment. Mercury residues from the mining operations poison the rivers, killing fish and destroying Yanomami water supplies. Wildlife, essential to the Yanomami diet, is scared away by noise and is decimated by the miners. But most disruptive of all, the new immigrants have brought with them many diseases for which the Yanomami have no immunity. As a result, of the 9,000 Yanomami in the region, as many as 15% have died so far. At this rate, all Yanomami will have disappeared in the next ten years. Last January the Brazilian Government ordered the eviction of the miners, but no real enforcement followed. An estimated 8000 miners remain on Yanomami lands, and more have been returning. Pressured by an international outcry, President Fernando Collor de Mello ordered the bombing of all illegal landing strips, estimated to be about 100, built by the miners, so as to prevent their returning. Since the Presidential decree, only 14 airstrips have been destroyed. Heavy rains have brought any further government operations to a halt while the garimpeiros (gold prospectors) are already recovering the few damaged airstrips. The bad faith of the government and its posturing to hold off criticism are evident by President Collor de Mello's refusal to repeal former President Sarney' s decree that permits miners to enter the 35,000 square miles of Yanomami territory, establishing "three garimpeiro reserves." The decrees are uncon- 7 �stitutional, and the Federal Court ordered that they be repealed. Yet the Government continues to allow miners access to these reserves. In fact Roraima' s settler population -which is dependent on mining for its subsistencegave the President his largest margin of victory out of all Brazilian states and territories. President Collor has thus pledged he will take into account the miners' interests as well as the Indians'. On March 27th, the new President went to Roraima making his first official visit to Yanomami territory. The President's priorities were not so much to visit Indian villages, but rather to inspect the local military base which is part of the Calha Norte (Northern Headwaters) project. The military program was estab- (Argentina) The Voz de las Primeras Naciones informed us that the Toba community of Olla Quebrada in the Chaco Province (located in the Northeast of Argentina), hosted an assembly organized by the Community Association of Meguesoxochi of Teuco Bermejito on April7-8. Representatives from eleven Toba Indian communities united to reclaim 150,000 hectares of land between the Teuco and the Bermejito rivers. These lands were recognized as belonging to the Toba by National Decree in 1924, but have been increasingly stolen by logging companies and large cattle ranches. This is partially due to the fact that land titles were never given to the Toba for these lands. About 500 people from 15local communities participated in the reclamation and the symbolic reratification of the 1924 Decree. Many creole families who have lived among the Toba for more than 50 years, stood in support of their Indigenous neighbors. This proves false the circulating accusations that the Indian people "are on the warpath" against the creole inhabitants. The Creole supporters declared " ... today, we stand in solidarity with our brothers in the neighboring community of Olla Quebrada, whom have not yet received official titles to their lands." The Toba leaders stated that the Creole population they are having difficulties with, are those who buy thousands of hectares for logging and cattleranching and never live there. "They don't care that they are cutting off paths with their wire fences and threaten those who try to cross them, and irrationally exploit the valuable Chaquefios trees." 8 lished in 1985 and has installed 26 military outposts along the 3,900 miles of Brazil bordering Colombia, Venezuela, Surinam and the Guyanas. The program has cost $640 million and is designed to attract settlers to these remote areas. On a recent trip to Sao Paulo, Davi Yanomami stated that just dynamiting the airstrips will do nothing to eliminate the problems. "The Collor government isn't worried about the Indians. They want the riches of the forest; they want money. I fear that the government will get the garimpeiros out and the large mining companies will move in," he said. Although they have not received any word on the matter from the provincial government, representatives of the Meguesoxochi Association inaugurated the land reclamation by installing a sign on the Santa Ana Bridge which reads: "Lalamax Nam Qom 'Alhua" or "Toba Dominion" -150,000 hectares, by National Decree (February 19, 1924). send letters concern the lands Toba oeGIJJie Ministerio de Gobierno, Justicia y Educaci6n Dr. Julio Sotelo ,..,,~-~a-":P- more lnlrnr·un,~:nnn Argentina, SUDSCfiDe La de las Primeras Naciones Casilla Correo Sue. 1403 Buenos Aires, ....... "-"'-= AHUi SAIIC Newsletter �I (Paraguay) Several families from the Civil Society of the Sommerfeld Kommittee have invaded lands which were recently reclaimed by the Mbya people. A total of 1,430 hectares were expropriated on November 21, 1989 and designated for use by 90 Mbya families from Cheiro Arapoty, as stipulated in Paraguay Law 23/89. Nevertheless, the Mennonites began erecting prefabricated houses, building roads and cultivating the land without regard for the law. According to Mbya leader Maximo Gonzalez, " ... the Mennonites entered our community. They entered 'Mbaratepe' by force, threatening us and ignoring our protests. They told us the law meant nothing to them, that the expropriation papers were pure garbage. A Mennonite named Abraham laughed at General Rodriguez' signature and said all the papers were false. I can'tdo anything. The Mennonites don't respect the law. We are afraid of the Mennonites. They say they will take us prisoners, punish us and throw us off our land. All of the land you see in front of my house was cultivated by the Mennonites in violation of the law. They arrived in the evening, worked into the night and planted wheat in front of my house." The area affected by the Mennonite invasion is known as Mbaragui 14 and is located within the limits of the Caazapa Project, which poses another serious threat to the Mbya people and was the focus of a campaign launched on June 7 by: the National Team of Misiones from the CEP, the UC Defense of Indigenous Heritage, Socio-Anthropologic and Judicial Professional Services, the UC Center for Anthropological Studies and the Indigenous Support Services. Marilin Rehnfeldt of the Center for Humanitarian Studies in Paraguay writes: Enormous tracts of Indigenous lands are currently being occupied for raising livestock and for agricultural purposes as part of a quasi-official government policy carried out in the name of progress. The forests, hunting and gathering grounds, sacred sites burial grounds have become the private property of livestock owners and non-Indian farmers. The entire process of leaving the Indigenous people destitute and marginalized leads irrevocably to ethnocide. In other words, this process leads to the elimination of Indigenous culture and values and, most importantly, the destruction of the collective identity associated with the land/territory. The 'place of Indigenous culture' or Tekoha, disappears. Approximately 7,000 Mbya live in Eastern Paraguay and the forested regions of Northern Argentina, Southern Brazil and Uruguay. Threats to the cultural, spiritual and social integrity of the Mbya have intensified since the 1950's when rapid capitalist development reached their lands. In more recent years, the Indigenous people of Eastern Paraguay have lost much of their forested land to a colonization project (Proyecto Caazapa) financed by the Paraguayan government and the World Bank. The need for demarcating and legalizing Mbya territory has been voiced since the beginning of the project in 1983, and as of today, only a small minority has seen their lands legalized. Even that small group has had their lands shrunken by the government. To contact the Mbya Guarani Bulletin, you can write to: Mbya Guarani Bulletin Azara 3267 C/Kubischek Asuncion, Paraguay Telephone: 203-618 One of the educational panels held during the campaign focused on the issue of ethnocide. The United Nations definition of ethnocide established in 1948 states: Ethnocide means that an ethnic group, either collectively or individually, has been denied the right to enjoy, develop and transmit its own culture and language: We declare that cultural ethnocide is a violation of international law, as is genocide, and is condemned by the UN Convention for the Prevention and Sanction of Genocidal Abuses of 1948. VoiS Nos3&4 9 �• I I I • I I (Peru) The Coordinating Body for Indigenous Peoples Organizations of the Amazon Basin (COICA) and international environmental and conservation groups met in Iquitos, Peru in May 1990. The purpose of this historic summit was to analyze the serious deterioration of the Amazon biosphere and search for joint alternative solutions. The first summit between Indigenous organizations and international ecology groups holds great promise for future joint actions in the defense of the Amazon basin. COICA has advanced the idea that the struggle is to preserve not only the land, but also Indigenous communities and cultures which have always recognized the importance of a harmonious relationship between humans and their natural environment. What follows are excerpts from the Iquitos Declaration, signed by representatives of 14 Indigenous organizations and 24 international environmental organizations. We, Indian people and ecologists are here because we share a common concern: respect for the world that we are destined to live in and the conservation of that world for a better life for all of humanity. We Indigenous peoples and our lands are one and the same. To destroy one is to destroy the other. Now we have again become strong through our organizations; we have again become the main actors in the defense of our environment as well as its primary guardians. Beyond a shadow of a doubt, conservation is of great concern to us. We are at a historical and decisve crossroads: either we will disappear along with the forest or we will survive together. For us, the forest is not just another resource, it is life itself. It is the only place where we can live. Migration would mean the death of our people and our culture. The Amazon is our legacy for our children. The 'development' of the forest has been undertaken, seeking short-term profits, which translates to the overuse of certain resources and the elimination of future development possibilities. We think as much of the forest as we do of our own well-being. We have a deep need for diversity and wholeness in our relationship with the forest. As the destruction is reaching alarming proportions, the main concern has become the environment. In this way, we are disregarded and being destroyed as human beings. Millions have been invested in parks whose only guarantees are motivated by the very transitory interests of governments. These guarantees are very weak and fleeting as we see it. Unfortunately in certain cases, the parks and other conservation areas have imposed yet one more obstacle for us, another reduction in our ability to control our land. Sometimes they have only turned out to be reserves for future oil and gold exploration, timber concessions, etc ... Parks are not a reality in the same way that a community is. A park is a law and therefore subject to violation, change and dependent on the goodwill of the state. 10 SAIIC Nevvsletter �Technical considerations and scientific interests alone"represent a less effective deterrent than the human defense of communities fighting for our futures. However, jqint action could have the most effective results. tion and to use our resources according to the mandates of our tradition and culture, instead of mere demographic groups. This follows the mandates of the United Nations. Our proposal for conservation is nothing more than giving priority to the recognition and recornposition of Indigenous territories through all of the legal mechanisms possible. The Amazon is not under the reign of technicians or isolated bureaucrats, but of a single People which stands firmly behind its conservation because the forest is our only horne, our only future. Our life itself is at stake. We think of our land as a continuity, without breaks or divisions, integrated and diverse whose legal guarantees do not differentiate between its diverse elements. It must be as broad as possible to insure a suitable life for each community. It must correspond to community's traditional or current perception of territoriality. This territory should be cared for according to the guidelines set down by that particular community's culture. This community should also have broad control over its resources; the same prerogatives that are granted to any community. Indigenous territory, as an area simultaneously diversified and whole, is conservation at it's best. It is not the false conservation of a museum. It is a complete, integrated use of the resources; one where all is used rationally. The greatest criticism we have received as Indigenous Peoples has been that we don't use or exploit the jungle enough. For us, that is both the highest praise and proof of our inherited wisdom because we do use the whole forest in an integrated fashion, but with such care that our critics don't even realize it. To make use of these rights means that we must demand to have direct representation as communities in any discussion or decision, be it national or international, scientific or political, regarding the fate of the Amazon in such a way that assures respect for our initiatives. So, we don't have a manual, but rather an ancient culture. It is this culture where a mutually beneficial relationship exists with our forests, which should guide environmental action in the Amazon. Our concept of territoriality presupposes another way of understanding land rights and the generation of new rights. It is not only the rights of those who have been here for centuries, it is also the rights of the water, the plants, the animals and of all living things. An Ashaninka leader expressed it clearly when he complained beca1:1se the government tried to restrict his community to a small area claiming that they were very few people. "Don't the monkeys, the birds and the huanganas also need land to live on?" This is our idea. Furthermore, Indigenous people's land and conservation rights are not just shallow, passing fancies. It is the right of each community to share its life and culture with the land for all generations to come. It is a permanent and profound commitment. All legal and social guarantees regarding the survival of the Amazonian jungle must be tied to our life and survival as Indigenous peoples of this planet. Indigenous land rights will gradually become an effective instrument for conservation as we come to be recognized as communities with rights to self-deterrnina- VoiS Nos3&4 If these criteria are applied justly, people will realize that the extent of our presence in the Amazon is much greater than official policy, which tries to dissolve us and wipe us out in order to present us as minorities on the way to extinction (as they would like to believe). Our presence in the Amazon is real and our ability to project ourselves into the future will become more evident as we continue to receive the necessary ideological and fraternal support in order to open the path to Indigenous Territorial and Conservation Rights together with all of its implications for the future of humanity. For all of the above reasons, we propose that the ecology groups of the world ally themselves with Indigenous communities in order to defend the Amazon Basin through collaborative efforts. Achieving the recognition and conservation of Indigenous territories is our common goal: Give Humanity and the Amazon Basin a Future. We invite you to take that step with us here and now. The Iquitos Declaration was signed by representatives from the following Indigenous, international and environmental organizations: COICA, AIDESEP (Peru), CIDOB, CPIB (Bolivia), CONAIE, CONFENIAE (Ecuador), ONIC (Colombia), UNI (Brazil), Indian Law Resource Center, etc ... , Conservation International, The Peruvian Foundation Friends of the Earth, Greenpeace, National Wildlife Federation, Probe International, Rainforest Action Network, The Rainforest Alliance, Sierra Club Legal Defense Fund, World Resources Institute, World Wildlife Fund, Cultural Survival, Ford Foundation, Gessellschaft Fiir Bedrohte Volker (Austria), Inter-American Foundation, OXFAM America, Campaign for Life in the Amazon, and Survival International etc ... As a follow-up to the Iquitos meeting, COICA and environmental organizations met in Washington, DC in August, to further discuss the alliance and strategize for the future. can contact COICA at: 1011 Orleans St. New Orleans, LA. 70116 FAX: (504) 522-7815 : (504) 522-7185 or: Jiron Almagro 614 lima 11, Peru Tel. ~14-631983 -14-631983 11 �il I • I • I (Sarayacu, Ecuador) The Texas-based oil company, ARCO (the Atlantic-Richfield Co.) is finishing an exploratory well on Amazonian Quechua Indian lands and in three months the year-long exploratory phase will be over and commercial drilling will begin. Meanwhile, the ARCO drill-sites are being guarded by heavily armed Ecuadorian Military units. This is taking place despite the fact that the Ecuadorian government signed an agreement with OPIP (the Organization of Indian People of Pastaza) last year which stated that all Indian lands in the Sarayacu Region would be demarcated and legalized, and all work being done by oil companies would cease until this happens. The agreement also states that adequate environmental measures would be enforced in the exploitation of resources and that the Summer Institute of Linguistics (a Texas-based missionary organization) would be prohibited from operating in Ecuador. As of today, none of these agreements have been kept by the government. The drilling is being done on Moretecocha Indian lands, near Sarayacu, in the Province of Pastaza, in the Ecuadorian Amazon. Pastaza is the most intact Amazon rainforest left in Ecuador. There has been very little colonization except near the capitol of Puyo. This is sure to change if commercial oil drilling begins. Several other oil companies are finishing explorations and gearing up to drill in Pastaza, including British Gas and UNOCAL. What is taking place in Pastaza is an all-toofamiliar scenario which has taken place in rainforest regions throughout South America. First, valuable natural resources are discovered on Indian lands by North American or European companies. Next, the Summer Institute of Linguistics moves in to local Indian communities in order to undermine the Native culture and prevent the influence of Indian federations. Then, roads are built, massive exploitation of resources and rapid colonization begins. National militaries are employed to insure that the process unfolds smoothly and objections are quickly silenced. This is how the Amazon rainforest environment and Indian communities are effectively destroyed. • I situation is very critical and major violence may be taken against the members of these organizations very soon. The truth is, these organizations are very strong Indian organizations which are attempting to protect their people and homelands from destruction. They are calling on the international community to support them in their struggle. How You Can Help! Please write, call, send Faxes and telexes to Borja of EcuaARCO, and President dor, protesting this critical situation and expressing your solidarity with the Indian people of Ecuador. Please reprint this bulletin pass it on to others. in your publications Your help is desperately needed! President Rodrigo Borja Palacio Nacional Quito, ECUADOR Telex: 393-223-75 PREREP ED or 393-222-01 PREREP Cook, ExecDir and: Atlantic-Richfield Co. 515 South Flower los Angeles, CA 90071 Tel: 3) 486-3511 or 486-2049 Please don't let this happen again! Currently, the only people actively working to prevent this from happening in Pastaza is OPIP, CONFENIAE (The Confederation of Indian Organizations of the Ecuadorian Amazon), and CONAIE (The Confederation of Indian Organizations of Ecuador). The Ecuadorian Military has been actively discrediting and harassing all of these organizations, calling them "extreme leftist, violent terrorists." The 12 SAIIC Newsletter �i A yuma Tenko explaining the provisions of the land titles to the Huaorani community. (Ecuador) For several years, the Huaorani people, aided by the Confederation of Indian Peoples of the Ecuadorian Amazon (CONFENIAE) have been working on delimiting and legalizing the lands which have historically belonged to them. On April3, the President of Ecuador, Rodrigo Borja granted, in his words, "612,000 idle hectares" to the Huaorani. 18 Huaorani community leaders traveled to Quito to receive title to their lands in a ceremony held in the Presidential Palace. The ceremony was imbued with political propaganda: "Under my government, you are free men and no longer slaves of anybody or thing .. .including dogmas of agitators interested in using you as a political instrument. .. " The small print on the land titles given by the Institute for Agrarian Reform and Colonization explains that the Huaorani "are not allowed to interfere with mineral and oil exploitation by the national government or authorized individuals." These conditions make it very clear that the Ecuadorian government intends to continue the exploitation of oil and other natural resources on Indian lands. This perpetrates the colonial I (Ecuador) On June 4th,1990, the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon (CONFENIAE) and lawyers of the Sierra Club Legal Defence Fund (SCLDF), together with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, filed a petition in which they charge the Ecuadorian Government with "the endangerment of the lives and culture of Ecuador's Huaorani people through the encouragement of oil development on the Huaorani's traditional lands." Voi5Nos3&4 policies of disrespect for Indigenous peoples and their rights to decide their own destiny. The grand political propaganda that accompanied the ratification of the land entitlement, shows how the government is trying to change its negative image in respect to the destruction of the natural environment and the negation of Indigenous rights. Neither CONAIE (the Confederation of Indigenous Nations of Ecuador) nor CONFENIAE were invited to the ceremony. Ayuma Tenko, representative of the Huaorani people, upon receiving the ownership titles, commented: "This ratification of our territory is not completely your will. It is the product of years of struggle by our people, of national organizations and of national and international solidarity. Furthermore, Mr. President, we ask that you immediately stop the construction of roads in our territory, that you evict the colonizers that have invaded our lands and the oil companies that are destroying our forests. Someday we will have nothing. If you do not meet our demands, we will defend what belongs to us with our own spears." I II II •• CONOCO Ecuador, Ltd, a "wholly owned subsidiary of Dupont, plans to build more than 100 miles of roads and pipelines, as well as dozens of oil rigs, pumping facilities and housing for several hundreds workers" with direct encroachment on Huaorani lands. 13 �About 1,600 Huaorani people live by hunting and shifting cultivation, and are among the most isolated groups of the Amazon rainforest. CONFENIAE president, Luis Varga tragically sums up what the "developers" will bring to the Indian population: Forced employment or unemployment, a loss of the natural resources which guarantee Indian subsistence, as well as general contamination of their environment, the introduction of prostitution, alcoholism and infectious diseases, the destruction of traditional healing methods and natural cures, and the assimilation into a destructive, consumerist society. Furthermore, the abuse of Indigenous people goes hand-in-hand with the destruction of the Amazonian rainforest. Members of both CONFENIAE and SCLDF emphasize how the interests of Indigenous people and conservationists coincide. "By assuring the respect and protection of Indigenous rights, the environment will automatically be protected. On the other hand, efforts to protect the Amazon which do not actively include Indigenous people and elicit their sincere support are doomed to fail." Members of CONFENIAE warn us not to fall prey to governmental demagogic discourse which buries ecologically destructive practices in ecological rhetoric. National parks, forest reserves and protected areas have 14 not meant the protection of the environment in Ecuador, but rather have become new areas for colonialialist exploitation and environmental destruction. The Yasuni Park is a good example of this. Oil exploration and drilling has been frequently conducted within it's borders by CONOCO. Recently 200,000 hectares of Yasuni Park land was granted to CONOCO. The Department of National Forestry has developed a plan in conjunction with CONOCO, by which more than 50% of the total area of the park will be opened to petroleum and mineral operations. The World Bank has been financing oil development in Ecuador and a new loan of $100 million is pending. Indigenous people have filed a petition with the Ecuadorian government and the World Bank in which the respect for Indigenous cultural and territorial integrity is demanded. more contact: Sierra Club legal Defense Fund 2044 Fillmore Street 94115 San Francisco, Tel: (415) 567-61 SAIIC Newsletter �I When the gates to the hydroelectric dam "Piedra del Aguila" were opened, an important part of the Mapuche community of Pilquiniyeu were covered eternally with water. The inundated areas included the cemetery, where our ancestors rest, as well as the site of many cave paintings. - the Indigenous Council of Rio Negro (Rio Negro, Argentina) Heralding the slogan, "Energy to Move the Country," Rio Negro's provincial government, moving fullspeed ahead, signed a contract with the Hidronor Enterprise which allowed for the construction of a major hydroelectric facility at Piedra del Aguila. The facility is one of a series which are planned for the Limay River, stretching from the Rio Negro to the Neuquen Provinces in the South of Argentina. The estimated cost of the project is 1.2 billion dollars and is being financed by the Inter-American Development Bank. The project is expected to generate ten-percent of the country's total energy needs. ment for the families who lost their homes and farms in the flooding. The dam was built with such poor standards that a structural crack has already been detected. The Latin American Council of the Social Sciences, FLACSO, said that the damning of these lands is "yet another step in the relentless process leading to the disappearance of the history and cultures of Indigenous peoples." Minis. Recursos Naturales Viedma, Negro In addition to the sacred sites, the 9,300 inundated hectares included a fertile valley, containing extensive forest reserves, fruit orchards and the subsistence farms of 130 Mapuche people. The 29 homeless families were relocated to neighboring lands which the government expropriated. In addition to the land, the government promised these families new homes. Nevertheless, the only homes constructed thus far have been precarious emergency shelters. Clearly, the project budget did not include an allot- Vo15Nos3&4 15 �I (Argentina) Veronica Huilipan, a Mapuche Indian from Neuquen, Argentina, participated in the Continental Conference: 500 Years of Indian Resistance, in Quito, Ecuador. Veronica belongs to the organization Nehuen Mapu (Strength of the Land). She spoke to SAIIC about the work Nehuen Mapu is doing in Neuquen. Our organization emerged as a result of concerns shared by Mapuches who had migrated to the city for work, health or educational reasons. These Mapuche families in Neuquen wanted to get together, to speak their own language and overcome their feelings of isolation. The first thing we did was to build a house, a place to shelter those brothers and sisters visiting from the countryside while taking care of personal matters in Neuquen. In the past, many Mapuches arriving in Neuquen from the country were obliged to sleep on chairs at hospitals or on benches in the plaza, due to a lack of resources. After accomplishing our first goat the building of the house, we began to notice that those of us living in Neuquen were having many problems. We were discriminated against by the white society, within the educational system and at work. For example, the white people would look at us disapprovingly when we spoke in our language. We realized that we had to work on the recovery and practices of our culture. The Council of Elders forms an integral part of our organization. We call the elders "the old ones." The elders give us strength; they motivate us. After we complete a task, they point out our mistakes. The elders play an important role in our organization. They help us understand that if we want to defend and recover what is rightfully ours as Mapuches, we need to do it our way and not as the Western culture does it. For example, the elders are very much opposed to political parties. It hurts them to see a member of Nehuen Mapu endorsing a political party. The elders say: "the politicians come, they take our vote, they give us a few bags of flour and, after the elections are over they never come back That is how they have used us in the past." 16 When we inaugurated our headquarters, our "ranch/' the elders organized a ceremony to give thanks. In our community we had ceremonies only once a year, between February and May. These ceremonies are to thank Ngenechen for all the good we have received. We also thank Ngenechen for the bad, since according to our elders, Ngenechen does not bestow bad things upon us without reason. Ngenechen will make things better the next year. The Grandmothers coming from the Mapuche communities in the countryside advise us to be careful about our behavior; never to forget that we are Mapuches. Mapuches must be respectful. This is an attribute of our people. We want to teach our history to the rest of the people. It is very different from what they read in the books. For example, the so-called "Conquest of the Desert" was when the Argentine army, led by Roca, invaded the desert to kill all the Mapuches, to eliminate us and take our land, imposing Western culture onto our region. Today, in Argentina's schools the children are taught that, thanks to Europe, we are civilized; that thanks to Roca, there are no more Indians. For this reason we go to the schools making presentations which give our side of history. The students have no idea why the "Conquest of the Desert" occurred, nor who financed it. The conquest was not the result of a lone army ~ding indep.endently. It was the result of an economic power dommating Argentina. The multinational corporations are guilty of creating our poverty. As a result, today in Argentina, we suffer from poverty and unemployment. The English financed the invasion of the desert. They wanted Patagonia free of Indians because the land was good and fertile. They paid Roca' s army to exterminate us. They were not successful. In hindsight they claim the invasion was done in the name of "civilization/' "religion/' or some other reason ... We ask those who justify the invasion in these terms: if progress and civilization were the reasons for the invasion, why are those now in control of the lands of Patagonia, English, and not Argentinian? The same process is unfolding today. SAIIC Newsletter �In Neuquen, we are trying to inform the people in our 35 Mapl!-che communities about the 500 years campaign, We are in the process of making a video. We already have a_radio program called "Quinte Folil" (Searching for our Roots). We use the radio to share our culture, our customs, religion and language. We also use the media to denounce human rights violations against our communities and our people. Participating in the Continental Gathering: 500 Years of Indian Resistance provided an opportunity for me to meet with myindian sisters from North, Central and South America. I participated in the Women's Commission. Before the Continental Gathering, I knew women were organized and struggling for their rights, but I didn't know there were so many of them! It was very encouraging to meet all these women. This meeting has given me yet another issue to discuss with my brothers and sisters - the organizing of Mapuche women. The situation of Mapuche women has not really come to light in Argentina. I observed that Indian women spoke on a variety of subjects, yet they all shared the same perspective, the same feelings. I really enjoyed how the women spoke from their hearts. It seems like many times people struggle using only their intellect. Many errors are made that way. At some point in the future and I don't know when that might be, Indian women will be united into one huge organization extending from the national to the international level. You can contact Nehuen Mapu at: Nehuen Mapu Juan B. Justo 33 8300 Neuquen ARGENTINA ARAUCARIAS r-' #- If you see a Pehuenche under there, ask him how things are going! lies Refuse by In the harshest winters, when it's cold enough to kill our cows, our families depend on the Araucaria trees for survival. These trees are the only guarantee for our future. When they cut them, they are cutting off our future. The Araucaria are stronger than us ... for thousands of years, it's been our source of life. -Don Meliflir of the Quinquen Valley (Chile) The Pehuenche people of the Quinquen Valley have been struggling for years to obtain official land rights. The Chilean government, meanwhile, has sold their lands to the Galletue Lumber company. The lumber company won a court battle by arguing that the Pehuenche do not use their lands to their fullest potential by not harvesting the valuable and endangered Araucaria trees. These ancient and beautiful trees are central to the lives of the Pehuenche, who have a variety of uses for the nuts. The Pehuenche settled in the Quinquen Valley in 1880, after escaping the persecution of the Chilean Pacification Plan. The 400 Pehuenche families in the Quinquen Valley were ordered off their lands by November 4,1990. After this date, the lumber company has the legal right to call in the military to evict them. The lawyer for the Special Commission for Indigenous Peoples (CEPI), Eduardo Astorga, stated that the situation is becoming very dangerous because the Pehuenche have announced that they would only leave their lands in coffins. If there Voi5Nos3&4 17 �is a forced eviction, he fears that it will lead to a battle. On November 21, the Pehuenche residents blocked the, roads to the valley to stop the logging company from taking out truckloads of araucaria trees. Pehuenche leader Ricardo Melifiir stated that they have taken the action because the land and all that is on it, is still in dispute. The previous Wednesday, the Pehuenche saw twelve truckloads ofthe sacred trees being hauled off and have kept a permanent vigil since then. He reports that they are willing to block the roads indefinitely. The assistant to the government on Indigenous Issues of Governorship has accused the Communist Party of provoking false hopes of land recuperation among the Mapuches, inciting them to fight for their rights. (Chile) Since September 28, 1989, the National Commission of Mapuche Communities "500 Years for Our Identity and Autonomy" and the Council of the Lands (Aukin Wallmapu Ngulan) have been carrying out a campaign focusing on the "teachings of Mapuche ideology" in Chile. The Mapuche population in Chile comprises 10% of the nation's total number of inhabitants. Nevertheless, the newly installed government of Patricio Alwyn has demonstrated a blatant lack of sensitivity with regards to this significant sector of the population. Among the most recent affronts to the Mapuche population was the invitation to the King of Spain to visit the southern Chilean city of Valdivia as part of the 500 years "celebration of the discovery of America." Valdivia is located in the heart of Mapuche lands (the provinces of Valdivia, Malleco, Cautin, Osorno, Chiloe, Bio Bio, and Arauco have large Mapuche populations, which constitutes a majority of the province's total population). The invitation of the King of Spain to Valdivia was followed by an offer to make Chile the headquarters for the Ibero-American Conference scheduled for October, 1990, an action denounced by the Mapuche, Rapanui (of Easter Island), and the Aymara people in Chile. Despite these recent affronts by the Alwyn regime, and the democratic and human rights violations committed between 1973 and 1989 by the notorious Pinochet dictatorship, the Mapuches in Chile have both maintained and strengthened their organizations over the past few years, enabling them to successfully carry out many important activities. In November of 1989 the Mapuche people commemorated their Final Uprising, holding meetings with various regional and national government officials. Also, the First National Conference of Authorities and Personalities of Mapuche Origin was held April23-26 of this year. The Council of All the Lands declared this Conference "an important step for our people considering it has been nearly a century since 18 these Mapuche leaders were wrested from their positions following the loss of control over our lands. Now we are meeting once again. In the company of many international guests, including our Indigenous brothers from Argentina, Bolivia, and Canada, we analyzed a variety of issues bringing the event to a close with aNguillatun (Mapuche ceremony) at Cerro Nielol in the city of Temuco. 2,500 brothers and sisters attended the Nguillatun. AMeli Wuitralmapu (Meeting of the Four Corners of the Earth) was held on October 10 and 11 of this year. The objective of the Meli Wuitralmapu was to "promote activities rejecting the 500 years celebrations." According to a document produced by the Council of All the Lands, "aMeli Wuitralmapu is both the procedure for organizing and the form of organization which our ancestors used to analyze situations of importance to us as a people." Approximately 450 people participated in the Meli Wuitralmapu, including our Mapuche, Aymara, and Rapanui brothers, as well as many international guests. The plans for October 10 and 11 reflect the broad perspective held by the Mapuche organizations enabling them to carry out the many activities conducted thus far. The earlier mentioned document by the Council of All the Lands summed up the point of view held by these Mapuche organizations in the following manner: Today, after five centuries of invasion, the Mapuche people, along with many other Native Peoples, continue to exist. We are now emerging as a new movement, fighting for both immediate rights and needs, as well as a far-reaching, comprehensive politic which links our own ideological goals with those of other poor sectors of the population and questions the essence of the nation state concept embodied in the Latin American nations of today. As we approach 1992, a wide range of social and political sectors are coming together to celebrate the so-called "discovery" of America and the alleged "civilizing" process undertaken by Spanish colonialism. By participating in these celebrations and naming the celebration "The Meeting of Two Worlds," these sectors are attempting to deny the existence of the most massive attempt at genocide undertaken in the history of our nations. Following the formation of the nation states, we were forced to endure the process of internal colonization. Embodied in this process was the systematic denial of our existence as nations and the imposition of a different life-style as a result of the policies implemented by the descendents of Spanish colonialism. Nevertheless, Mapuches continue to exist as a people because of the strength and richness of our culture, passed on to us by our ancestors. SAIIC Newsletter �• • 51 (Ecuador) One-hundred representatives of the nine Indigenous Nations of Ecuador met and decided to stage the "First Uprising of Indigenous Peoples" on June 4th. The uprising was a response to the Borja administration's treatment of Native peoples and their continuous disregard for agreements made, promising restraint regarding the exploitation of Indian lands by multinational corporations. The decision to call for an uprising was spearheaded by the Confederation of Indigenous Nations of Ecuador (CONAIE), the Confederation of IndianOrganizations of the Ecudorean Andes (ECUARUNARI), and the Confederation of Indian Organizations of the Ecuadorean Amazon (CONFENIAE) the umbrella organizations which includes all major Indian organizations in Ecuador. Collectively, these organizations represent approximately four million people. The decision was made in early June, in the town of Pujili, Cotopaxi Province. The uprising began with a sit-down occupation of the Santo Domingo Church in Quito by approximately 200 Indian people and their supporters from human rights organizations. Simultaneously, all major roadways were blocked in the Vol5 Nos3&4 Amazonian province of Napa. The uprising quickly spread throughout the nation as people proceded to congregate in massive protest demonstrations engulfing the nation's population centers. All major thoroughfares in Ecuador were blocked, and the situation was complicated by a general strike among farmworkers. At the start of the uprising, CONAIE declared "the history of our country is the history of 500 years of Indigenous resistance against colonialism, oppression, discrimination and neocolonialism. The Indigenous Uprising demonstrates the continuity of a struggle begun by Rumitahui, Tupac Amaru, and other leaders who fought to recover the lands belonging to our forefathers." Violent clashes between the military, police and Indian people took place in various parts of the country, leading to several casualties and the arrest and detainment of some leaders. According to ECUARUNARI, Oswaldo Paguay, one of their leaders was killed by the military in the Chimborazo Province. CONAIE demanded that the Borja government comply with the Sarayacu Agreement signed in June, 1989. The 16 point agreement in- 19 �eludes a demand for the return of stolen lands and that negotiatjons be held in good faith to solve existing land conflicts, the immediate halt to oil exploration and exploitation on Indian lands, the recognition of an Indigenous Nationality Law, which recognizes Ecuador as a plurinational state, and the immediate expulsion of the Summer Institute of Linguistics from Ecuador. Negotiations began on June 7th, when the demonstrators left the Quito church and the military released those they had arrested. The Archbishop of Quito, Antonio Gonzalez and Bishop Victor Corral of Riobamba mediated the talks between CONAIE and the government to put an end to the violence. President Borja ordered the military into the "conflict zone" while publicly accusing "irresponsible agitators of manipulating the Indigenous people, encouraging them to commit acts of violence which blocks the economic progress of Ecuador, as well as the arrival of food supplies to the cities." From November 9-15, police and paramilitary groups hired by local landowners, violently evicted Indian people from lands which historically are theirs in the Quechua communities of San Francisco de las Cajas, Huaycopungo, 1 de Mayo, and San Clemente. During the attack, Gaitana Farinango was killed and more than 40 men, women and children were wounded, homes were burned and gardens were destroyed. This act of violence was denounced by CONAIE, who then announced a break in the negotiations with the Ecuadorian government on November 19th, after five months of unsuccessful negotiations. In an open letter to President Rodrigo Borja, dated November 11th, CONAIE states that "the government is responible for the attacks on the Indigenous and campesino movements and we call on you the President to reflect on the dangerous consequences of permitting the paramilitary groups who work for the landowners, along with the complicity of police forces to carry out such attacks with impunity." After this, the government issued an order for the capture of Luis Macas, Vice President of CONAIE and eight other Indian leaders. Please send letters and telexesof concern to: President Rodrigo Borja Palacio Nacional Quito, ECUADOR Telex: 393-223-75 PREREP ED 20 SAliC Nevvsletter �1 Indigenous The Continental Gathering "500 Years of Indian Resistance," with representatives from 120 Indian Nations, International and Fraternal organizations, met in Quito, Ecuador on July 17-20, i 990. The gathering was organized by the Confederation of Indian Nations of Ecuador (CONAIE), the Organization of Indian Nations of Colombia (ONIC) and SAIIC. The following is the Declaration from this gathering.To order the English translation of the conference resolutions, please send a five dollar contribution to SAIIC. The North, South and MesoAmerican conference participants declare before the world the following: We Indians of America have never abandonE)d our.· ··. . constant struggle against the conditions of opprE)S$iBP• discri!Tli~ nation and exploitation which were impose?uponw:;asl:Jire.su,lt of the European invasion of our ancestratwrritories. yobJuncturat':r~fledtion~tthe Our stuggle is not a mere memory of 500 years of oppressionw~i~hthe lf\W~dE,trs,Jrt complicity with the "democractic" gov€Jrf1rnel'lts<Bf our. countries, want to turn into events of jubilatio~ l:J;!Jd C€Jl~bratiop. Our struggle as Indian People, Nations~n~j\,!ationalitiE~sis based on our identity, which shall lead us tq ti'U~:Iib;~r~tiB{L WEI e.rfJ: • responding aggressively, and COQ'JI'J'\it?t.tr~~IVE)S, to. reject .thls_ •. "celebration." . •• . , The struggle of our i=l.?~pl$§~sa ··.·..·...a new q~ality in recent times. This struggle,i.s:JEI~~.isol!:lt~ .·•· .. ·.·· •. more organized. We are now complfJ:t~ly 9Phscious t~~t..our total . liberation can only be express~d through tne coi}lplete exerc1se of our self-determination. OurL!fiity is ~ased on this fundamental right. Our self-determination is not just a simple declarati\)rt is to say, the creation of a new nation. In this Gathering it has been clear that territorial rights are a fundamental demand of the Indigenous Peoples of the Americas. Based on these aforementioned reflections, the organizations united in the First ContinentaiGathering of Indigenous Peoples reaffirm: 1. Our emphatic rejection of the Quincentennial celebration, and the firm promise that we will turn that date into an occasion to strengthen our process of continental unity and struggle towards our liberation. ;z. Ratify our resolute political project of self-determi. · nationandol.lr.<'!utonomy, in the framework of nation states, under a new pop4larorder, with respect for whatever forms of organization each N?tion determines appropriate for their situation: ·· · '· ··. 3.· Affirm our decision to defend our culture, education, ~1'\dreligichasfub~arn~ntarto our identity as Peoples, reclaiming and maint~ini119 ~yro1111n forms of spiritual life and communal coexistence; in an intirilate relationship with our Mother · ..·· ,:: < ' :<· , Earth. 4. ,WeJ·eJe~the manipulation of organizations which are linked to the dominS;ntse~tors of society and have no Indigenous repre.se~latatian;)llbOusurp our name for (their own) imperialist interest~. ~ttl'lesatn!'~ime, we affirm our choice to ))tre.ngthen'o~to'Mn~r9?1'liz;a~ion~,,without excluding or isolating ourselves from pthej'popular struggles. 5. ·V\fare¢6gglzethE)>i~~ortant role that Indigenous women ple~.y iqthestrl.l9{ll~~ofour Peoples. We understand We must guarantee thE'/~~~esslary conditions that . • tile ne.cesslty to ~xpaqd women's participation in our organizapermit complete exercise of our sel!-?e.termination;a!ld thisib1' •· tiOiil) <'jrld:\Ne relaffi~J11 tliaHtis one struggle, men and women turn must be expressed as complete:autcmomyforour Peoples, togethe.r1 ln opr liberatil)h.process, and a key question in our Without Indian self-government and witnoutcontrol of our politlcal pre;ctiye.s. , territories, there can be no autonomy. · ·· . .. .,.·. . ·< > ~; we:Jndian Peoples consider it vital to defend and The achievement of this objective is a pnllclpal taskfbr cons~rv~ our natural resources, which right now are being Indian Peoples however, through our struggles we have learned attacked by transnational corporations. We are convinced that that our problems are not different, in many repects, from those this defense will be realized if it is Indian People who administer of other popular sectors. We are convinced that we must and control the territories where we live, according to our own march alongside the peasants, the workers, the marginalized principles of organization and communal life. sectors, together with intellectuals committed to our cause, in 7. We oppose national judicial structures which are order to destroy the dominant system of oppression and the result of the process of colonization and nee-colonization. construct a new society, pluralistic, democratic and humane, in We seek a New Social Order that embraces our traditional which peace is guaranteed. exercise of Common Law, an expression of our culture and The existing nation states of the Americas, their forms of organization. We demand that we be recognized as constitutions and fundamental laws are judicial/political expresPeoples under International Law, and that this recognition be sions that negate our socio-economic, cultural and political incorporated into the respective Nation States. rights. 8. We denounce the victimization of Indian People At this point in our struggle, one of our priorities is to through violence and persecution, which constitutes a flagrant demand a complete structural change which allows for the violation of human rights. We demand respect for our right to recognition of Indian people's rights to self-determination, and life, to land, to free organization and expression of our culture. the control of our territories through our own governments. At the same time we demand the release of our leaders who are held as political prisoners, an end to repression, and dro Our problems will not be resolved through the selfrestitution for the harms caused us. serving politics of governmental entities which seek integration and ethno-development. It is necessary to have an integral trasformation at the level of the state and national society; that Voi5Nos3&4 21 �I (Colombia) SAIIC learned from Amnesty International of the torture and killing of three leaders of the Arhuaco Indians from the Sierra Nevada of Santa Marta, Department of Magdalena. Luis Napoleon Torres, former governor and spiritual leader of the Arhuaco and mediator between the community and the Colombian authortities, was killed together with community leaders Angel Maria Torres and Hugues Chaparro in circumstances suggesting they may have been victims of extrajudicial execution. On November 28, the three set out from Valledupar, the capital of the Department of Cesar, on a bus going to Bogota. According to eye-witness reports, the bus was stopped near a town called Curumani in the south of Cesar by a group of heavily armed men wearing army uniforms, who forced the three men off the bus. On December 13, the bodies of Hugues Chaparro and Luis Napoleon Torres were found in an unmarked grave in Tomalinda, Cesar, showing signs of severe torture. The body of Angel Maria Torres was found on December 14, in El Paso, Cesar, also showing signs of torture. Members of the Arhuaco community and the National Indigenous Organization of Colombia (ONIC) have denounced the killings to the Procurator General, who has a human rights monitoring role in Colombia, and to other national authorities. In recent years human rights violations have occurred on an increasing scale in Colombia. Armed forces counter-insurgency operations have been progres- sively intensified to combat the country's guerrilla groups. In areas where guerrilla forces are active, the local civilian population is often perceived by the armed forces as potential collaborators and has, as a result, been subjected to arbitrary arrest, torture, "disappearance" and extrajudicial execution by army personnel and civilians working for them. Civic and community leaders, including leaders of Indigenous communities in areas where guerrilla forces are active, have been particular targets. The majority of abuses have been attributed by Colombian authorities to civilian "death squads" which it claims it is unable to control. However, independent investigations, including judicial enquiries, have concluded that many such groups operate under the command or with the support of the Colombian armed forces. We urge you to send letters that there be an immediate enquiry into their deaths, the public and results of which should be urging that all possible measures be taken to community leadprotect the lives of ers to ensure that to carry out their lawful activities. Send immediately to: Presidente Cesar Gaviria Presidente de Ia Republica Palacio de Narino Bogota, COlOMBIA Telegrams: Presidente Gaviria, Bogota, Colombia Telexes: 396 41224 CO • I I • Released Due to Urgent Response!! (Bolivia) On the 14th of November 1989, policemen arrested Felipe Quispe Huanca, union leader of the Federation of Campesinos Tupak Katari of La Paz. He was held for several months in the Public Prison of San Pedro in La Paz. The government accused Felipe of being the perpetrator of assaults with explosives against the central offices of two political parties. Felipe vehemently denies these charges, indicating that they are reprisals for his trade union activities among Indian communities. Felipe has worked extensively with Aymara Indian communities. He was arrested on his return from a gathering of 5,000 Indian people, honoring the famed Indian leader, Tupak Katari, killed for his resistance to the Conquistadors. Felipe was held prisoner for months without formal charges or a trial. SAIIC sent out an Urgent Action request in June of 1990 and Felipe Quispe Huanca was released in August. We would like to express our sincere appreciation to all those who responded to the Urgent Action. Please take the time to respond to as many of the Urgent Actions as you possibly can as they are often proven to be effective. 22 SAIIC Newsletter �I Integrating Traditional Forms of Organization, Modern Technology and Commerce (Bolivia) AIGACAA (Association of Llama and Alpaca Farmers of the High Andes) is an organization comprised of approximately 800 heads of households from ayllus (traditional Andean community structures) where the principal occupation is that of raising llamas and alpacas. AIGACAA has been functioning as an organization for over ten years. In June, Rene Pacasi, President of AIGACAA and Luis Ticona, the Administrator, were interviewed by SAIIC in Chuquiago, Kollasuyo (La Paz, Bolivia). They spoke of their successful experiences in community organizing. AIGACAA is organized in a manner corresponding with and helping to maintain the ayllu structure, which is the original form of organization in our communities. The ayllu structure continues to exist in most of what is now considered Bolivia. When speaking of the ayllu, we are referring to the territory occupied by the community and the natural resources controlled by the people of that community, such as the llamas and alpacas. · The ayllu has a particular form of leadership, the maximum authority of which is the jilacata. It is not easy to become a jilacata, it is a step-by-step procedure. The jilacata holds this position for one year and is not elected by the Western system of voting. A jilacata must demonstrate good moral conduct and leadership abilities within the ayllu and becomes the authority as a result of proving these qualities. In the process of organizing AIGACAA, we analyzed various organizational structures. We have found that the imported models are not effective. We took a careful look at our own Indigenous forms of organization, which take into account our particular economic situation. We wanted to strengthen the economy of the ayllu. One aspect of our workplan is to train members in methods to increase the production and quality of our animals. Since our organization is primarily concerned with livestock, we provide support by offering trainings to our members. We have an agreement with the University of Puno in Peru, which has been training many of our members as veterinary assistants and veterinarians. These scholarships require that these individuals return to their ayllus of origin to care for the animals of the community. AIGACAA also conducts literacy classes and craft workshops within communities. AIGACAA was successful in obtaining permission from the Bolivian Minister of Agriculture for the commercial use of llama and alpaca meat. This was an important victory for our organization. VoiS Nos3&4 Photo by Guillermo Delgado We collectively market the llama and alpaca wool which our members produce. Each head of household is paid in cash and trade for veterinary tools, medicines and syringes. We exchange the wool for objects of use to the members, because Bolivian currency is not used often within the ayllus. We use the trueque or barter system. The organization selects and processes the wool and is responsible for selling it to the weavers. We rent an industrial plant where we make yarn. One day, we would like to install a textile mill where the people who raise the llamas and alpacas will be processing the raw materials themselves. The present reality is such that the people providing natural resources and the people processing these materials are living in two different worlds. Rene Pacasi is from the ayllu Chacoya, in the Pacajes Province. Recalling that there used to be many more alpacas and llamas in his region, Rene states that, "They say that people who are strangers to the region are purchasing the llamas and alpacas at a very low price. They are hunting them, killing them and driving them to extinction. They say that is why so many of them have disappeared. Before the agrarian reform of 1952, we were united, not divided. We worked in the minka (traditonal work parties). After the agrarian reform, the land was divided and small land-holdings appeared. The distribution of land tore us apart. With the land parcelled out, each family could only raise a few animals. The minka is when families help each other out. I help them one day, and then they help me. We also have a ceremony for branding our animals and we will never lose this ceremony. We still do the challa, which is how we make offerings to Pachamama (Mother Earth). AIGACAA is helping us to rebuild our communities. You can contact AIGACAA at: Casma 6032 La Paz, BOLIVIA 23 �gs coca in their cheeks. With it they sang hymns of gods. They made a rebellious earth produce ni'le"!l~rprohibits it, these people will respond with the oca has been the object of debate since the Spanish invasion in the XVI century. It originated in Antisuyo, the rainforest region now considered part of Peru and Bolivia. From this region coca spread, thousands of years ago, to the Andean region. The discovery of pouches full of coca and packets of llijta (a lime mixture which is taken with the coca leaves) in gravesites ten centuries old, confirms assertions that coca use constitutes a long-standing tradition in the region. The use of coca was widespread by the time of the European invasion of the Americas and there were no known laws prohibiting its use. During the colonial era, when coca was identified by the dominant Spanish class as an essential factor in the rituals of Andean culture, it was perceived as an evil herb which needed to be eliminated in order to assure the salvation of the Indigenous people 's souls. Presently, attempts to prohibit the use and cultivation of coca are the consequence of the growing illicit use of cocaine, which has wrongly been identified with the coca leaf, from which it is derived. The opposition to the use of the coca leaf is based on the supposition that the coca leaf is a narcotic drug. There is no evidence of this whatsoever. Nevertheless this assumption has been used by the oligarchy in their efforts to repress Indigenous people. The view that the coca leaf is a narcotic drug from which Indigenous people must be protected, is a notion steeped in paternalism, viewing the Indian as incapable of making his /her own decisions. Such an attitude constitutes yet another attempt to destroy the structures and values of Andean culture and Westernize the Indigenous population. Coca is an essential component of the social web and human solidarity in the Andean world. It is used at ceremonies following strict social rules. Coca does not 24 produce harmful effects, nor the social decomposition associated with alcohol use in western social groups. With respect to social relationships, coca is used as an offering which signifies friendship and generosity. The act of sharing coca with other persons is a very important occurrence which seals the fraternal bonds of mutual trust among the participants. "When people care about each other, they invite each other to chew coca. First we chew it a little and thank each other; then we begin to chat" (Ataliano Perez). 'We women have always participated in these rituals. All of us women form a group to chew the coca and to make offerings to Pachamama (Mother Earth), along with the men, because this has been the custom since long ago" (Serafina Cusipoma). On the other hand there is no other remedy with as many nor as vast an array of uses and high efficacy as the coca leaf. In this respect, coca is one of the most outstanding components of popular medicine. It has become indispensable in sustaining the physical and emotional well-being of the Andean person. "Coca is used for just about every sickness. When the stomach hurts, we make a coca leaf tea. It is also used for cramping and swelling. It is very effective in warding off the cold and for curing snake bites. Pregnant women benefit from coca. When it is applied to a wound, the blood stops flowing immediately." (Ines Limachi, Macedonio Mendes, Demetrio Verduguez) Studies of the chemical composition of the leaf have demonstrated that it contains significant quantities of vitamins A, Bl, B2, and C, as well as iron and calcium. All of these vitamins and minerals are necessary to maintaining a healthy diet. In high Andean regions, vegetables and fresh fruits are scarce, making coca's contribution to the diet all the more important. Thus, it can be concluded that the factors which have motivated the prohibition of coca over the past five centuries are not due to problems existing in SAIIC Newsletter �the Andean culture. Nevertheless, the conflict with western culture has triggered the prohibition of coca, a measure reflecting the interests of the dominant classes and certainly not those of the Andean peoples. Coca has been used in the Andes for about 4,000 years, despite continuous reprisals against those engaged in coca use and cultivation during the last 500 years. Those who support the abolition of the coca leaf, view themselves as saviors of the Andean inhabitants. The reality is that they are attempting to free themselves of a particularly western problem: cocaine addiction. This assumes that the Indian is a defenseless child, needing protection from himself. Once again, "integration" without respect for Indian culture is the goal. In fact, this is an effort to destroy the Indigenous culture under the pretext of "progress" and "civilization" in a manner similar to that of five centuries ago, when deep cultural values differing from those of the invading civilization, were ruthlessly attacked in the name of Christianity. The cross has now been replaced by the banner of progress, development and the "war on drugs." This latest assault constitutes one of the worst cultural aggressions in history and has been carried out consciously, without even the excuse of ignorance used retrospectively by the Spanish to disguise the crimes surrounding their invasion. In 1962 the Geneva Convention resolved to eradicate coca cultivation within the next 25 years. This resolution is a violation of the right to free choice of entire peoples and cultures. Furthermore, since this resolution was passed, nothing has been added to the body of knowledge about coca which indicates that the manner in which it has been utilized by the Andean people is damaging to their health and would warrant such radical, unjust, repressive and farreaching legislation. However, in the same way that a culture cannot be altered by the simple passage of a repressive law, the signing of a decree and the implementation of eradication plans which ignore the reality of the Andean people will not be successful in terminating coca use in the Andes. We should ask ourselves seriously if the utopic goal of eliminating drug addiction in the United States justifies cultural aggression against the Andean people. The question should also be asked as to whether eliminating coca in the Andes is going to resolve the problem or simply motivate the international drug traffickers to switch to some other drug, equally desirable to the nation's youth in their quest to escape reality. Meanwhile, the Andean people will be left, having born the brunt of brutal physical and cultural assault on their population. Ralph Bolton from the Anthropological Institute of the University of Trondheim stated back in 1979: international agencies which favor this line of action in combating the drug problem in the United States and Europe. These agencies do not take into account the rights of millions of Indigenous people in the Andes for whom the coca leaf is a sacred and integral part of their daily lives. The decisions adopted by politicians and bureaucrats of diverse nationalities, attempting to ban the use of coca, are a violation of the basic rights of the Quechua and Aymara peoples who wish to maintain their cultures, practice their religions, conserve their identities, and protect their health; that is to say, exercise their right to biological and cultural survival. The coca eradication program, judged by its effects, is a form of ethnocide. (Bolton, R.,1979) Recently, the U.S. has launched an international campaign targeting drug trafficking and focusing on the media in order to influence the public and promote the dominant culture's ideology. This campaign seeks to pressure the producer nations. Military actions have been launched in these countries under the pretext of combating the drug problem. Such was the case in Bolivia in 1986 when the U.S. occupied the nation in an operation dubbed BOL-USA. At present the U.S. has installed military bases in the Peruvian jungle using the same pretext. The true goal of these activities, however, is to establish strategic control zones in areas considered "low-intensity conflict'' zones, as well as in those regions where U.S. interests face imminent danger. In February of 1990, the governments of Bolivia, Colombia, Peru and the U.S met in Cartagena, Colombia, to organize a plan of action against the narcotrafficking industry. While the U.S. insists on "militarization," the coca producing nations have attempted to establish a more integrated development plan. Indian people have been noticeably absent from all of these discussions. Nevertheless, there is no evidence today of a reduction in coca producing activities. Similarly, drug trafficking has continued unabated, and the drug traffickers have not been prosecuted. Since the U.S Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) began operating in Bolivia, the area under cultivation for coca has multiplied a minimum of three times. Likewise, drug trafficking operations now involve capital over five times superior to that of pre-DEA operations in Bolivia. Considering these results, it would appear that the actual mission of this agency is the exact opposite of that which it claims to be. Foreign pressure on the Andean governments to declare the use and production of coca leaves illegal, has intensified lately. These pressures are the result of measures taken by the North American and VoiS Nos3&4 25 �The production and trafficking of drugs is a highly profitable, transnational capitalist activity. At present, the production and trafficking of drugs is one of the most profitable businesses in the world, equal or superior to arms trafficking. Drug trafficking is not an "external evil" of capitalism. The term "illegal" does not explain the economic reality, since capitalism, according to its own logic, accepts any activity which generates the process of capital accumulation, whether this activity be harmful to humanity or not. Thus, we have seen phenomena ranging from the contamination of the environment by legal industrial activities, to the major weapons industries raking in record profits as a result of genocidal wars . The drug trafficker is acting within the framework of the capitalist system, not against nor outside of it. The notion that the narcotics industry is reserved for shadowy criminals is a fallacy. In fact, the narcotics industry forms part of the international economy. Those who control the international trafficking of "illegal" drugs are also those who control"respectable" and "legal" enterprises. Billions of dollars are injected into the world's markets as a result of "illegal" trafficking of drugs. This tremendous sum is invested in all areas of industry and has helped reactivate the economies of major industrial nations. Given this situation, referring to drug production and trafficking as part of an underground economy is profoundly contradictory. Condemning Indigenous people as the source of the problem is more practical and acceptable for policymakers in the industrialized countries than examining and correcting the problems in their own culture. In any event, if cocaine production were to end, the present drug-users would continue to consume legal, illegal, natural and/ or synthetically-produced drugs. This situation has been exacerbated by the North American government's drastic cutbacks in drug treatment programs, among other significant social programs. The official discourse has incorporated two completely different realities into one issue: the reality behind coca and the reality surrounding cocaine use. Lumping these together invokes feelings of social decay and collective guilt. Coca has been stigmatized, its use (whether masticated, used as a medicine, or in ceremonies) has been confused with drug addiction. Coca, as the raw material for cocaine, has been targeted as the critical element in the "crime" of drug trafficking. Therefore, the coca growers, the 26 peasant farmers and the nations located in the coca growing region, have been fingered as the guilty parties. Rather than approaching the problem of drug addiction in a rational and objective manner, human feelings and social values are being manipulated. Without a doubt, the interests of those in power lie behind this discourse. It is necessary to change the manner in which the problem has been approached, analyzing the concrete differences existing between coca and cocaine, two distinct phenomena and two distinct realities. 1. Coca and cocaine are two completely different substances. The first is a natural substance which produces no harmful effects on human health, is of great nutritional value, and possesses medicinal properties. The second is the result of a chemical transformation, denaturing coca in both appearance and effects. Cocaine is harmful. It is a drug which destroys and enslaves. 2. Coca cultivation and cocaine production are two radically different activities with respect to the material and social wealth generated by each. 3. The marketing of coca is completely different from the marketing and transportation of cocaine. The use of the coca leaf in its natural state, whether masticated, employed to cure or as part of a ritual, is a harmless, traditional manner of using the leaf. Drug trafficking is a problem for the producer nations because it involves a new form of economic, political and social aggression by the capitalist system. It maintains and reinforces a dependent relationship with consumer nations, and requires the economic and political subjugation of the producer nations. The clandestine nature of drug trafficking has contributed to the extremely inhumane working conditions for those involved. It has created a social sector which is virtually enslaved. Additionally, the production and trafficking of drugs in the producer nations is encouraging the use of these drugs locally. In light of the dramatic differences between coca and cocaine, it is necessary to change the course of "drug war" policies. The present policies of the consumer nations constitute a direct aggression against the coca producing farmers, namely the Indigenous populations of the Andes. These policies do not represent an effective means of interdiction because they are based on the premise that coca cultivation is at the root of the problem, which is clearly not the case. To lash out against Indigenous farmers is certainly easier, less costly and more prudent than combating the drug traffickers whose origins lie in Western culture. SAIIC Newsletter �• I • I • I (Peru &. Bolivia) The United States Government offered the Peruvian Government a military aid packet of $36 million, earmarked for updating the equipment of six special infantry battalions to be employed in the high Huallaga area in the "fight against narcotrafflcking and subversion." The military aid was rejected by the Fujimori government which refuses to order the Peruvian military to fight In the "war on drugs," citing more pressing issues. Nevertheless, Fujlmorl has extended the emergencyzone to other provinces. Because of this, the Bush administration Is threatening to cut $63 million in scheduled economic aid for 1991. Following the same political plan, the "war on drugs" has brought ever-increasing U.S intervention in Bolivia, and has made militarization the precondition to any sort of financial aid. In 1989, the Bolivian government had to agree to the eradication of 5,000 hectares of coca groves, either with the collaboration of peasants or against their will, to obtain future loans. By the end of 1990, according to the Bennet Plan for Drug Control, the Bolivian military, police, judicial and intelligence forces will receive $67 million. Another $30 million will go to "approved" alternative development projects. by Amnesty International as one of the worst countries in respect to human rights records. In 1989, approximately 500 people "disappeared" and hundreds more were victims of extrajudicial executions. Peru's armed forces have military and political control of 67 of Peru's provinces, all of which have been declared "emergency zones," which allows the in those military to severely restrict civil regions. Thus the U.S Government declaration that financial aid will be given only to those countries with a clean record on the subject of human rights is pure rhetoric. As Diego Garcia Sayan, executive director of the Andean Commission of Jurists, expressed in an interview with Caretas 14, 1990) "There is great danger In a war that does not clearly distinguish its target, blurring drug dealers, coca growers, insurgency forces and political activists the same " into one In both Bolivia and Peru, the military and police are a continual menace to democracy and human rights. Peru in particular, has been targeted Voi5Nos3&4 27 �earing for his life after denouncing the Peruvian Army being responsible for the "Cayara Massacre/' Dr. Carlos Escobar fled Peru with the aid of Amnesty International. He was the appointed Prosecutor for the Ministry of Public Affairs whose jurisdiction included the zone of Ayacucho, Peru, from July 1987 to November 1988. SAIIC had the opportunity of interviewing Carlos Escobar in the end of June. What follows are excerpts of that interview. SAIIC: Why are you now in the United States and what are you denouncing? Carlos Escobar (CE): I was taken out of Peru by Amnesty International due to an investigation I conducted there about a massacre of peasants in the Cayara zone, Department of Ayacucho, in 1988. The military killed 31 persons and "disappeared" another 40. But the idea was to kill them so the massacre could be blamed on Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path guerrilla group). They killed them in front of their families with knifes, axes and machetes. The investigation established that 200 military personnel participated in the massacre. The order was given by a General, the Chief of the Political-Military Command of the zone. On October 14,1988, I turned in the report and by the 18th, my office was shut down by the Attorney General. After that, there was a mandate to close the investigation. No accusation was made and as the days passed, the people who had already given witness in my presence, 41 in all, were detained by the army. In other words the office of the Attorney General gave out the names and addresses of the witnesses. In September, 1989, the most important witness, a nurse of campesino descent who was pressing charges against the General himself, was killed. In our work, my office uncovered evidence of 200 "disappeared" people who were detained in army barracks. Almost all of them showed signs of physical torture. The army detains people for supposed participation in terrorist acts, but nothing is ever proven. The work of our office was to pressure the military headquarters into freeing these people and to obtain evidence of illegal activities by army personnel. SAIIC: How can you be certain that members of the army committed the Cayara massacre? 28 CE: Two-hundred army personnel were recognized not only because of their uniforms, but because they arrived in army trucks and government helicopters. What happened was that the previous day, May 13, in a town called Erusco, ten minutes from Cayara, a platoon was ambushed and terrorists killed 4 military personnel. The next day, the army carne and took over the town. They killed the people in front of the children and in front of their wives. They staged it to look as if Sendero committed the massacre. SAIIC: Before, you mentioned to us an interesting contradiction. You were telling us that the soldiers who committed this heinous act are also Indigenous people. Is this true? CE: The army administration is made up of middle class officials. This class is not Indigenous. Army officials reject the peasants, believing themselves to be superior. They treat peasants like animals. But the army's rank and file includes Indigenous people who are, themselves, manipulated to combat their Indigenous brothers. In Peru, the draft is mandatory at 18 years of age. The Navy has a reputation for being very courageous in Peru. It was funny to see that in the jungle zones, they utilize Indigenous people for protection. From 6pm they are secluded in their barracks and they leave two or three people from a local village with whistles on a platform to alert them if terrorists arrive. SAIIC: What is the status of the investigation now? CE: In Peru it has been indefinitely closed. I was called to Washington on May 14th by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States. This commission is conducting its own investigation of the massacre. If there is sufficient evidence, the case can be taken to the International Court. SAIIC: What is the purpose for militarily organizing civilian patrols in Indian communities? CE: To confront Sendero Luminoso. In the Ayacucho zone, these groups do not form at people's initiative. The army has tried to mandate the creation of these groups but it doesn't always work. SAIIC Nevvsletter �SAIIC: What is the relation between Sendero and the communities? There is information about massacres committed by Sendero in some communities, isn't there? SAIIC: What do you see in the future of the Indian population of Peru and how can solidarity organizations help? CE: For almost two years I have been investigating this and I have not seen even one community voluntarily collaborate with Sendero. People in the communities fear the army as well as Sendero. When the army or Sendero patrols arrive, people collaborate with them only out of fear. CE: The government has never bothered about the poorest zones of the country: Ayacucho, Apurimac and Huancaveliva. That is why Sendero became active there. The population there doesn't have anything to lose. A good way to help them is by communicating directly with the organizations which are truly representative of them. These are organizations of farmers and peasants. The organization of the families of the disappeared has headquarters in Ayacucho. This is where people from many different communities meet. They come with their children, prepare food in a soup kitchen for the orphans, and write down their testimonies to take to the prosecutor's office. SAIIC: But are the accusations about assassinations and massacres of supposed army collaborators by Sendero true? CE: This happens. When an army patrol arrives in a community, the people collaborate out of fear of being beaten up or robbed. Afterwards, when a Sendero patrol arrives, there are people who denounce them so that they will not be beaten or robbed by Sendero. In other words, the Indian people are caught in the cross-fire. SAIIC: Do you have any information of US military bases in the jungle, being used to train the Peruvian army to fight the narcotraffickers? SAIIC: There is great concern about the number of orphans whose parents have been killed in the violence. Is there any support for the communities which have to take care of these children? CE: The important thing is not only to help the orphans, but to prevent the killing of more people. In the Cayara case, a woman whose husband was killed, testified. She escaped with her six children. The military took her as a prisoner and because she was a prime witness, they killed her too, leaving the six children without protection. CE: I have learned that the North American government has One of the witnesses recovering from bullet given economic aid of approxiwounds in a nearby hospital. mately 36 million dollars. A big portion of this goes to the army. Nevertheless, the army in Peru has no legal jurisdiction to fight drug trafficking. SAIIC: Are traditions, like the minka [communal This legally falls under the jurisdiction of Police forces. work] in the Quechua areas, being preserved? Possibly this money is being used to confront subversion, CE: In the entire zones of Ayacucho, Apurimac and that is a completely different situation. and Cuzco, traditions are still strong. The minka is even SAIIC: Governments tend to mix the concepts of being exploited by the army. They make people work for subversion and narco-trafficking. This provides a pretext nothing, utilizing the minka system to build roads. And to repress the population, and ultimately, to fully exploit the people obey because they are used to it, the minka is human and natural resources. part of their upbringing. CE: The government has publicised the fact that SAIIC: Peru has a new government now. Do you Sendero has links with drug traffickers, but I don't know think that there will be changes in the human rights if this is exactly true or simply a way to attract US situation? Will the violations persist? monies. In the Huallaga Zone, drug-traffickers operate CE: The government is not confronting the with small airplanes and it would be impossible for the guerrillas adequately. The political and military control Peruvian airforce not to detect them. In the same way of emergency zones is under the sole command of an that drugs leave the country, sophisticated weaponry army general who doesn't know what human rights are. enters, and Sendero has never attacked a community If he does know, he disregards them. That is why there with sophisticated weaponry. The weapons confiscated from them are those stolen from the police or the army. If are so many disappeared people. The police are controlled by the Public Ministry. The Attorney General can Sendero had some control over the drug-traffickers, if enter all their stations, but he cannot enter any military there were any sort of relationship there, they would headquarters. have sophisticated weapons. The fact is that they don't. Voi5Nos3&4 29 �SAllC: Why can't the Attorney General enter military headquarters, is there a law that prohibits this? CE: No. There is no such law, but there is the gun. The Attorney General is the law, but in remote zones such as Ayacucho where the military is omnipotent, the Attorney General cannot enter their headquarters. That is why, if we suspend emergency zones, we can solve the problem of the disappeared. The emergency zones are at the core of the problem. In Peru the emergency zones include 40 percent of the country. It would be a radical change to send the military back to their barracks. In these zones, the army has created a kind of status quo. They are very entrenched in being there and extorting the people, etc ... When [former President] Alan Garda said the emergency zone status of Ayacucho would be lifted, car bombs immediately appeared in Ayacucho. The Attorney General's office investigated one of those car bombings and we came to the conclusion that it was How You Can Write to the Peruvian President 1) expressing your concern at the murders and tortures in the Ayacucho Province,2) request that a prompt and independent investigation of the tortures and killings be carried out, that the results be made public and those responsible be brought to justice, 3) request that safety of the witnesses be ensured, 4) contact your local media to give publicity to these atrocities. Last-Minute SAIIC was just informed by Amnesty International about more tortures and deaths of Quechua Indian people in the Department of Ayacucho. At least 16 people were tortured by soldiers, as a result of which three of them died, in the province of Vilcashuaman, Department of Ayacucho. On September 25, at 7am, a contingent of soldiers from the Accomarca military base, led by officials · nicknamed "Moreno" and "Gitano," went to the community of Pucapaccana in the Province of Vilcashuaman. They reportedly called the community together and forced them to hand over cattle, money and belongings. The reports add that the names of Bernabe Balde6n Garda, Jesus Balde6n Zapata and Santos Balde6n Palacios were read from a list and they were ordered to accompany the soldiers to Pacchalualhua, bringing the animals with them. Bernabe Balde6n Garda was among the confirmed dead. On their way three women who 30 planted by the army. So the President revoked his order. Today fifty percent of the population of Ayacucho is military or police. SAllC: With the US promoting the militarization of the coca production zones, will the situation in the emergency zones be aggravated? CE: I think the problem of drugtrafficking is wrongly emphasized. The problem is not the production, but the consumption. If there is nobody to consume cocaine, who is going to produce it? The consumption must be attacked and that must happen in the US. Peruvians have been using coca leaves for thousands of years and it's caused no problems, ever! It's part of the tradition. So why try to eradicate the production of coca leaves? For North Americans, it would be cheaper to control their borders, than to spend what they are spending in weaponry in South America, unless, of course, they have other goals... Presidente Alberto Fujimori Presidente de Ia Republica Palacio de Gobiemo Plaza de Armas Lima 1, PERU For more information on human rights in Peru, contact: Coordinadora de Derechos Humanos Horacio Hurteaga 704 Jesus Maria Lima, PERU were grazing their sheep were reportedly raped by five of the soldiers escorting the detainees. When the group arrived at Pacchahuallhua, they were taken to a local government center where they were joined by other men, women and school children, who were being held by soldiers who had carried out similar raids in nearby areas. Ill-treatment and torture reportedly took place in a nearby church. In a written denunciation made by the Federation of Vilcashuaman Institutions (FIPV), its representatives describe the torture to which the peasants were subjected: ...they were tied up with wire and hung upside-down from a beam and whipped; afterwards they were made to lie on the floor, one on top of another, fanning a pile of human bodies such that the person at the bottom carried the weight of all the others and the soldiers jumped on top of them; after this illtreatment they were submerged in ... hot and ... cold water ...until they were dying ... SAIIC Nevvsletter �(Guatemala) On December 2, 1990, after midnight, members of the military garrison at Santiago Atitlan fired upon a crowd of 1500 people who were protesting the harassment of civilians from their village. There were confirmed reports of 11 dead and 19 wounded. Other sources claim 26 dead and 71 wounded. By December 4,1990, three more wounded had died, bringing the confirmed total dead to 14. The evening of the massacre, soldiers entered the town, robbing a store and kidnapping its owner. Relatives of the shopkeeper woke other residents by ringing the church bells. When villagers heard the commotion, a crowd of 1500 gathered in the town plaza and proceeded to the Panabaj army garrison to protest the incident, shouting "Leave us in peace!" A short time later, the army opened fire on the crowd. 9 1/U ~ VoiS Nos3&4 1: Santiago Atitlan has been the site of massacres and continuous murders ever since the army permanently occupied the town in 1978. Mayor Delfino Rodas is calling for a rapid investigation into the massacre and f.') prosecution of those found responsible as IJ!..\ well as the removal of the army garrison r~ ~ from Santiago Atitlan. Referring to the army base, he states that "Instead of protecting us, it is they who, under the effects of alcohol, become the assasins of the residents of this area." The people of Guatemala have :; : 31 �expressed their solidarity with the people of Santiago Atitlan pn a huge scale. Many Indian, religious and human rights groups are demanding justice. The people of Atitlan are not allowing themselves to be intimidated and are coming forth to give testimony, in spite of repeated threats to their well-being. The military is emphasizing that the massacre was a "mistake committed by the officers and soldiers of the garrison." According to the Guatemala News, the massacre was no mistake, but part of a well-orchestrated plan to intimidate and hold back the growing tide of popular discontent. The 1978 massacre of over 300 farmers in Panz6s, Alta Verapaz, the killing of 39 political leaders in the Spanish Embassy in 1980 and the "scorched earth" policy that did away with more than 440 villages and countless human beings between 1982 and 1984, were all carried out on orders that filtered down through the military chain of command. Indian organizations in Guatemala are requesting that people throughout the world express solidarity with them by reading the following declaration in their respective languages over local radio and televsion stations: We, the people of _ __ [country, organization, community or Native nationality] express our anger and anguish over the massacre by the Guatemalan army of the people of Santiago Atitlan on the 2nd of December, 1990. We join with the orphans, widows, families and neighbors of those killed in cold blood to demand the immediate removal of the Army and National Police from Santiago Atitlan and that those responsible be brought to justice. With great admiration for your unity and bravery, rooted in the strength of your community we appeal to those who rule Guatemala: the Army, the landowners, the indusrialists, to match your determination for peace and justice. to: 1) Demand the prosecution and punishment of the military personnel responsible the massacre. 2) Demand the respect of the villagers' petition to remove the army from Santiago, A titian. 3) Demand that U.S. gress withhold all U.S. aid Guatemala until the villagers' petition is respected and those responsible for the massacre are brought to justice. 32 messages to: Gen. Leonel Bolanos Ministro de Defensa Ministerio de Defensa Palacio Nacional Guatemala, Guatemala Telex: 305-5321 RELEXTGU Tel: 011-502-253-7472 ext. 2226 Fax: 011-502-2:53and: (Suggested salutation: Your Excellency) Tel: 011 502 1212, 1 502 2266 Fax: 011 253 7472 Telex: 305 5331 CAPRES GU Telegrams: Presidente Cerezo, Guatemala, Guatemala .,. ...., •• action is ur"'""'"'.."" needed! Please feel reprint this and help to ~n~~&~~s:an the word! SAIIC Nevvsletter �Indians and poor latinos, organized in CUC, urgently denounce the following atrocious crimes before their people and the international community: 1. Each day the pain and anguish suffered by their families, as a result of governmental repression, increases. In the month of June, the number of assassinations rose to 198, in addition to 20 kidnappings and 49 wounded in political violence. In the countryside, the kidnapping of Maria Mejia and the aggression on the part of the civil patrols against the government's Adjunct Ombudsman for Human Rights in Parraxtut, Sacapulas; the attack made on the Mutual Support Group (GAM) in Xepol, Chichicastenango; and the military sweeps carried out by civil patrollers in Huehuetenango, Solola, El Quiche, and other departments, add to the list of repressive actions. 2. Soldiers have threatened the communities of Zacualpa, El Quiche, saying that they are ready to carry out massacres like those of 1981, '82, and '83, which left hundreds of widows and clandestine mass graves. In the township of Chimatzat, Zacualpa, on July 12 at 3:00AM, soldiers dressed as civilians kidnapped Samuel de la Cruz Gomez, and beat his wife, Ignacia de la Cruz Gomez, and son, Genaro de la Cruz Gomez (age 16). In addition, they stole money and other belongings from the family. To justify the kidnapping, uniformed soldiers arrived five minutes later to say that guerrillas had carried out the kidnapping. With methods like these, they try to fool people and force them to participate in the illegal Civil Patrols. The army has occupied several townships of Zacualpa and San Andres. It is increasingly clear that the government and army are getting ready for another massacre like that of El Aguacate, Chimaltenango (November,l988). 3. On July 1, two civil patrol commanders, Santos Chic Us and Catalina Juarez, of Joyabaj, El Quiche, sent a death threat to department authorities to force them to oblige Tomas Lares Ciprian to join the Civil Patrol. Mr. Lares Ciprian has been struggling for his constitutional right to refuse to participate in the Civil Patrols. 4. In Chichicastenango, El Quiche, the military VoiS Nos3&4 commander is threatening people so that they will lie to reporters about the truth of military repression in the community. The army is also harassing members of the community who are organizing development committees and is keeping a strict watch on the markets in order to control how much food people buy. In the township of Chipaca Primero of Chichicastenango, Juan Tiriquiz Perez, 47 years old, was assassinated on July 8. 5. Thousands of displaced families are suffering aerial and land-based bombings, while on foot the army has destroyed many of their crops and houses. In the ghettos of the cities, threats and persecution against these displaced families are increasing. 6. Believing that the recent Presidential elections would divert attention from these abuses, the government and the army began a repressive campaign against the leaders and members of Indian, campesino, and popular organizations like CERJ, CUC, CONAVIGUA (Guatemalan National Widows Committee), GAM, cooperatives, catechists, all of those who are struggling to throw off the illegal Civil Patrols and to provide a little more food for their children. Through this campaign of terror, they are trying to justify a policy of repression in the upcoming months, supposedly to control the violent situation which they, themselves have created. Faced with the tragic situation in which they live, Guatemalans call on all governments, non-governmental organizations, human rights organizations, and people everywhere, to put pressure on the Guatemalan government and the army to investigate these crimes and punish those responsible for violating their human rights. want life peace. contact Comite de Unldad Campesina Postal Angel 000, Mexico DF MEXICO 33 �II I The National Association of the Indigenous People of El Salvador (ANIS) held its first nationwide gathering of Indian Peoples on September 17-22, 1990 in San Salvador. The National Gathering of Indian People on Culture, Ecology and Justice was well attended by Maya, Lenca and Nahua Indian representatives from throughout the nation, as well as national and international lawyers, environmentalists and human rights delegates. Despite careful invitations to a broad range of representatives which might truly promote peace in the region, government officials, FMLN and most political party representatives were conspicuously absent from the meeting. 12. The Legislative Assembly should write laws which benefit Indigenous and poor people in general; 13. Humanize the army; 14. Lower the price on basic articles of consumption and distribute articles donated by foreign countries and international organizations rather than selling them; 15. Define a policy which recognizes all peoples right to an adequate diet and implement this policy; 16. Investigate and punish all human rights violations and incidences of corruption; Nevertheless, those present made concrete proposals directed specifically at the Salvadoran Armed Forces and the national government. A summary of the conclusions of the September meeting follows: 17. Reject foreign intervention in internal matters and keep government hands out of Indigenous matters; 1. A policy with respect to the conservation and protection of natural resources which stems from a change in attitude as regards Nature; 19. Implement an integral agrarian reform program which includes a food policy, the redistribution of the land, technical assistance, sufficient administrative assistance, establishment of credit and mechanisms for marketing products which benefit the producer rather than the intermediary; 2. A policy with respect to the conservation and protection of Indigenous culture and values and strict adherence to Articles 62 and 63 of the Salvadoran Constitution which refer to the preservation, diffusion and respect for native languages, history, artwork and archeology; 3. A fair application of justice; 4. An end to the repression of all peoples; 5. Subscription to, ratification of and application of all UN treaties designed to protect the rights of Indigenous peoples; 6. Dialogue and negotiation With the FMLN as well as a cease-fire; 18. Respect Indigenous autonomy; 20. Control and elimination of all drug sales beginning with alcohol producing factories and sales, then on to marijuana, cocaine and other substances damaging to humanity and denigrating to the individual. As ANIS leader, Adrian Esquino Lisco subsequently noted at an important march in San Salvador on October 12th, "When the Indigenous people become liberated, the land too becomes liberated ... For the Indian people of El Salvador, and for Indian people throughout the Americas, October 12th is a 'Day of Disgrace,' because it marks the beginning of an invasion which continues today." 7. Respect for brothers and sisters practicing traditional medecine; 8. Distribution of all uncultivated state lands to the Indigenous peoples as these lands were wrongfully taken from them; 9. No forced and illegal recruitment of our children into the armed forces; 10. Absolute respect for human rights; 11. The government and the FMLN should request our consent before entering our lands to carry out any operations; 34 SAIIC Newsletter �I I • IG Canadian scale Military Invasion Kanahwake Mohawk Mounts Full- a In response to the expansion of a local golf course onto ancestral lands, Mohawks began to protest on March 11th, 1990 in the village of Kanesatake (40 km from Montreal). The ownership of their sacred burial grounds has been a matter of dispute between the Mohawk Nation and the Canadian government for more than 200 years. The local government sold the land to developers after the federal government had refused petitions to adjudicate Mohawk land claims since 1956. In response, the village of Kanesatake blockaded a small, local, dirt road leading to the resort community of Oka, where the golf-course was planned. This was done to prevent further usurpation of their lands. The Mayor of Oka obtained an injunction ordering the removal of the road-block, clearly violating treaty agreements. The Mohawks were attacked on July 11 by about 100 well-armed provincial paramilitary police. The Mohawks f9ught back and in the ensuing gunfire, one of the police officers was found killed in the crossfire. The Mohawks were charged without due process of law, despite their claim that they heard a police radio transmission which revealed that the officer was killed by his own colleagues in their confused retreat. On the same day, July 11, the besieged Kanesatake Mohawks requested assistance from kindred Mohawks at the nearby Kanahwake Reserve. In support, the people of Kanahwake erected a blockade of the Mercier Bridge which was built on their lands. This effectively blockaded a main commute artery to Montreal, and thereby drew international attention to the situation at Kanesatake. On April 26th, 1990 the Mohawks at Mercier Bridge offered to open one lane to traffic. In response, government officials walked out of the negotiations, ignoring the offer. The following day, Canada's Prime Minister, Brian Mulroney ordered 4,000 army troops to join the forces already outside the two Indian reserves. Government forces were armed with armored personnel carriers, grenade launchers, rocket launchers and tanks. An attack by the army seemed imminent. Thus a caravan of 60 cars full of women, elders and children made ready to leave Kahnawake. They were searched by police just outside the reserve. While they were being detained, they were attacked and stoned by nonIndian protesters, while the police stood by watching. A child, a mother and an elderly man were taken to a hospital as a consequence of the assault. The elderly man died in the hospital four days after the stoning. On September third, 1990 the Quebec Police and the Canadian Army forcibly invaded Mohawk lands. Broken ribs, jaws and elbows were reported. About 50 Mohawks retreated into an alcohol treatment center. They held off the confrontation for 11 weeks. Throughout this time the Mohawk Nation presented Vol5 Nos3&4 35 �the government with proposals for peaceful solutions to the crisis. Yet the government refused to negotiate. The Indians who laid down arms and left the treatment center will be brought before a Quebec judge who will determine whether charges will be lodged against any of them. Mohawks who had been previously arrested came out of jail covered with cigarettes bums. At the sight of burned chests, Canadian judges threw the cases out of court. Mohawk active resistance to land usurpation comes as a response to repeated and recent losses: they have lost more land since 1950 than in the previous 100 years. Their land has been purchased by the Government and developed with bridges (including the Mercier) and hydroelectric power plants that provide cheap energy to industry. This has meant environmental degradation, as the heavy industry discharges pollutants into nearby rivers, making both farming and fishing unsafe for the Mohawks living on the Kahnawake and Akwesasne reserves. Thus, Indian's revendications have moved to the larger and present issue of selfdetermination and the general question of lands rights: over 570 aboriginal land claims, covering more than 1/2 of the Canada land mass, still await settlement. The Government now has a policy of negotiating no more than six claims at a time and made vague promises toaccelerae the process. Yet particularly clear and rigid is the Government position on native self-determination. Prime Minister Brian Mulroney declared: "Native selfgovernment does not now and cannot ever mean sovereign independence." The Mohawk Nation is asking people to write to Prime Minister Brian Mulroney in their support: Prime Minister Brian Mulroney House of Commons Ottawa, Ontario CANADA K1 A OA6 Fax: (613) 995-1686 For more information about the Mohawk situation, contact: Mohawk Nation Defense Fund PO Box 1987 Kahnawake, Qubec CANADA JOL 1BO 36 I I I SAIIC received the following from the Student Alliance of North American Indians. We at SAIIC wish to express our solidarity with their views. We, the members of the Student Alliance of North American Indians (SANAI), oppose the war in Iraq. We oppose all acts of aggression inflicted upon Indigenous peoples, and upon all peoples of the world ... The government which is now killing the peoples of Iraq, and risking the lives of millions throughout the world, is the same government which has been killing and oppressing the Indigenous peoples of the Americas for 500 years. The government and people of the United States took American Indian tribal land by force and trickery, and have never fulfilled their promises to the tribes. The government and the people of the United States have tried to marginalize American Indian peoples, and ignore our pleas for justice, but when the Army wants bodies for the frontline, we are expected to die first. Second-rate citizens, but first-class cannon fodder. . Throughout our history, we've served, both voluntarily and involuntarily, in every war in which this country has been involved. Yet, the United States continually fails to serve the needs of American Indians in education, in housing, in health care, and basic human rights. Tribal lands have a long history of being exploited. This exploitation will be intensified because of the need for natural resources. The government and multinational corporations threaten the future of our tribal homelands and the balance of the world ... We owe no debt of allegiance to the government. SAIIC Newsletter �I ... in the eye of wintry storms, In the teeth of howling blizzards, Sami kinship spreads its warm embrace; Moonlight guides the wayfarer, Under flows of flashing northern lights; ... - Sami National Anthem Indian women from the four corners of the world gathered in the land of the Sami people last summer to share experiences and plan strategies for developing an international grassroots organization. The meeting was hosted by Srirrihklai, the Sami Women's organization. As a result of this meeting, a decision was made to develop an International Indigenous Women's Organization with an egalitarian structure to promote the participation of Indigenous women in decision-making processes. Several meetings will be held in the coming months to develop an organizational structure based on our traditional forms of community administration. At the same time, efforts are being made to notify Indian women throughout the world of our plans and to invite them to participate. The next International Conference is scheduled for October, 1992. A South and Central American Indian Women's Conference will be taking place in Lima, Peru in March, 1991 and hosted by AIDESEP (Association of Indian Organizations of the Peruvian Amazon) and COICA. This will be a historic meeting since it will be the first time a conference of South and Central American Indian women is held. Our sisters from the participating organizations have requested financial support to make their grassroots organizing efforts a reality. r------------------------------------, We urge you to respond to this request by sending contributions to: Indian Women's Grassroot Movement Tides Foundation c/o SAIIC Box 28703 Oakland, CA 94604 Following is the Declaration of Karasjohka: We, Indigenous women from 19 countries have come together on August 5-9,1990 in Karasjohka, Samiland (Norway), to collectively share our VoiS Nos3&L1 37 �Indian women of the world meeting in the Land of the Reindeer. socio-economic, cultural, political and spiritual situations, experiences and needs. We come from various parts of the world and are aware of our diversity, but we are here because we believe that we also have common grounds for unity and action. We heard the testimonies of our Indigenous sisters on issues related to the global environmental crisis, the effects of exploitation of our ancestral territories and natural resources on our lives as women, the impact of militarization and nuclearization and presence of foreign military bases on our lands and seas. We tried to understand how powerful nations and governments have imposed state laws on us which have institutionalized our discrimination and repression and facilitated the rape of our lands. We have realized that our continuing marginalization and oppression as Indigenous women are results of colonization, the setting up of powerful nations of neocolonies to ensure their economic, political, cultural and military stranglehold over supposedly sovereign nations and the insatiable greed of multinational corporations to accumulate profits. We were also made aware that patriarchal systems have been imposed on us by such oppressive structures to further ensure the division between the people and assure the continued domination of these powerful nations and multinational corporations. We are alarmed by the continuing number of Indigenous women and children being victimized by military operations in the guise of anti-communism, as shared with us by our sisters in Central and South America and in Asia. The number of Indigenous women being raped, sexually abused, tortured, arbitrarily arrested, and widowed have been increasing since the United States Government has launched low-intensity warfare on various South and Central American, and Asian nations which have national liberation movements. The rapid degradation of the environment of our ancestral homelands has caused irreparable damage to our lives and lands and we have come up with regional workshop resolutions which address problems related to this. We grieve over what is happening to Mother Earth, and we share in the pain of our sisters who have been dehumanized by militarization, who have been compromised because of tourism and the debt crisis, and those who have to suffer from incurable diseases, carry toxins in their breast milk, and give birth to deformed or mutilated babies because of nuclear radiation and toxic waste dumping. We are strengthened by our sisters who refuse to be immobilized in spite of their dehumanizing situations. We are inspired by the courage, the steadfastness, determination and the commitment of our Indigenous sisters who continue working for a transformed society, SAIIC Nevvsletter 38 .' �where oppression due to race, class, gender, and nationality" will no longer exist. We believe that the formation of an international network of Indigenous women will help further our struggles to be liberated from all forms of oppression. This network should always ensure that Indigenous women from the grassroots level have representation in decision-making bodies and general assemblies. We will carry out our responsibility in sharing what has transpired in this conference with the rest of our sisters whoare not here with us and we will strive to continue expanding the linkages among ourselves regionally and globally. We affirm our commitment to empowering ourselves through sustained education, setting up more Indigenous women's organizations and working out development and action programs which are sensitive and responsive to the needs and demands of the majority. We are in solidarity with our sisters from the Americas who are going to celebrate the 500 Years of Indian Resistance to colonization and we look forward to joining with them in their celebrations. (;Oinfe:rerace Resistance The 1992 Bay Area Regional Indian Alliance is coordinating an All-Native Conference to plan and coordinate 1992 Year of Indigenous Peoples activities. The conference is an important North American follow-up to the July 1990 international gathering in Quito, Ecuador and the October 1990 meeting in Minneapolis. The gathering will be held Friday through Sunday, March 22-24, 1991 at DQ University, a private, fully accredited Indian-sanctioned college, located 8 miles west of Davis, California. Papers, draft statements, action plans, recommendations, or suggestions should be submitted by March 18, 1991. Delegates from Indian organizations planning 500 Years activities as well as interested Indian people from the US and Canada are invited. If you are planning to attend, be sure to contact the coordinators as soon as possible. I The Sixth Nuclear-Free and Independent Pacific Conference (NFIP) was held November 1-7, 1990 in Waiuku, Pawarenga, Aotearoa (New Zealand). The following is a statement made on the 500 Years of Indian Resistance in their resolutions: .. .Indigenous Peoples still have a responsibility as caretakers of the land and all life-circles. These lifecircles are threatened by the acceleration of the patterns of destruction initiated in 1492. The Quincentennial is an unprecedented opportunity for the voice of the people to be heard, and to support each other with a united vision of a healthy environment, healthy lives, and freedom to live the way of life given by the Creator, in balance with the natural world. Therefore, the Sixth NFIP Conference, meeting in Waiuku, Pawarenga, Aotearoa during the 1-7 November, 1990: 1) agrees to hold support actions on October 12, 1992 to celebrate the survival of Indigenous peoples, 2) agrees not to buy anything (accept in emergency situations) for one day, October 13th, 1992, in support of an International Indigenous Campaign, 3) declares 1992 to be "The Year of the World's Indigenous Peoples. For more information on the NFIP, can contact: Pacific Concerns Resource Centre PO Box 9295 Newmarket Auckland, AOTEAROA (New Zealand) Tel: 09-375-862 For more information contact: All Native Conference DQ University PO Box 409 Davis, California 95617 Telephone: (916) 758-0470 Voi5Nos3&4 39 �South and Meso American Indian Information Center (SAlIC) Mailing Address: PO Box 28703 Oakland, California 94604 Office Address: 1212 Broadway, Suite 830 Oakland, California 94612 Tel: (415) 834-4263 Fax: (415) 834-4264 Photo of Quechua Indian girl by Dick Bancroft About SAlle ... Acknowledgements SAIiC's goals are to promote peace and social justice for Indian People: 1) by providing information to the general public in North America, Europe, and to human rights and solidarity organizations regarding the struggles for survival and selfdetermination of Indian peoples of South and Meso America; 2) by facilitating exchange and promoting direct communication and understanding between Native peoples. SAIiC's projects and programs include: 1) publication of the Newsletter in Spanish and English, as well as other special publications; 2) Indian Visitor Program; 3) human rights advocacy; 4) 500 Years of Resistance project; 5) Indian women's project; 6) public presentations; 7) resource library (periodicals and videos). SAlIC Welcomes All Contributions! All of our projects and programs are financed by donations. Due to the expansion of our office and staff, we need to expand our donor base. We are in special need of equipment and financial contributions. Please contact us to find out how you can best help us. Your generosity is greatly appreciated! All contributions are tax deductible to the extent allowed by law. SAlIC Membership A SAIIC membership entitles you to receive the SAIIC Newsletter, Urgent Action Bulletins, notification of special events in your area, and correspondence on the 500 Years of Indian Resistance Campaign. To receive a Personal SAIIC Membership for one year, send a $15 donation to our mailing address. For an Institutional Membership, send a $25 donation. Publications Available SAIIC has co-authored along with the Rainforest Action Network, Amazonia Film Project, and International Rivers Network a special publication designed to give added force to grassroots groups in the Amazon fighting in defense of the rainforest and basic human rights for the Indigenous people there. Amazonia - Voices from the Rainforest, A Resource and Action Guide is available from SAIIC for $8. The Quito Resolutions from the Conference on 500 Years of Indian Resistance are also available from SAIIC for $5. The SAlle Newsletter is provided free, in Spanish to Indian Organizations Meso America "We have recentl SAIIC thanks the following people for their contributions: Wara Aderete, Nilo Cayuqueo, Peter Veilleux, Karen Crump, Karl Guevarra Erb, Guillermo Delgado, Ram6n Diaz Lazo, David Lauer, Pat Brooks, Francesca Castaldi, Dardo Salas, Fernando Torres, Judy Shevelev, Arturo Ramirez, Gina Pacaldo, Xihuanel Huerta, Bobsy Draper, Dick Bancroft, James Muneta, Isidro Galli, Carlos Maibeth, Melina Selvertson, Alfredo Quarto, Nilak Butler, Debra Harry, Gail Gordon, Lynnda Gray, Juan RebQck, Lucilene Whitesell, David Balsam, Dr Carlos Escobar, Katherine Cole, Paul Haible, Sr Mary Peter Bruce, Joshua Mailman, Maya Miller, Jeffrey Bronfman, Jon Christenson, Kit Miller, Wes Huss,Angelica Mendoza, Cristina Marquez, Francisco Mamani, Juan Radovich, Veronica Huillipan, Emilienne Ireland, Diane Nelson, Yolanda Ronquillo, Funding Exchange, Peace Development Fund, Tides Foundation, Vanguard Foundation, Threshold Foundation, Methodist Church - Latin American Division, Agricultural in Mission, Church of Christ for the Homeland Ministries, Open Meadow Foundation, Amerindia, and Amnesty International. Special thanks to all the people at Intertribal Friendship House for sharing their space with us for seven years. in South & moved our offices! Please note our new addresses above! � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4.pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/10b615689310cc6f2b7906de36e6b1ad.pdf 511cdbddd02f890911a08715a537d298 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (40).pdf PDF Text Text South and Meso American Indian Information Center (SAlIC) Mailing Address: PO Box 28703 Oakland, California 94604 Office Address: 1212 Broadway, Suite 830 Oakland, California 94612 Tel: (415) 834-4263 Fax: (415) 834-4264 Photo of Quechua Indian girl by Dick Bancroft About SAlle ... Acknowledgements SAIiC's goals are to promote peace and social justice for Indian People: 1) by providing information to the general public in North America, Europe, and to human rights and solidarity organizations regarding the struggles for survival and selfdetermination of Indian peoples of South and Meso America; 2) by facilitating exchange and promoting direct communication and understanding between Native peoples. SAIiC's projects and programs include: 1) publication of the Newsletter in Spanish and English, as well as other special publications; 2) Indian Visitor Program; 3) human rights advocacy; 4) 500 Years of Resistance project; 5) Indian women's project; 6) public presentations; 7) resource library (periodicals and videos). SAlIC Welcomes All Contributions! All of our projects and programs are financed by donations. Due to the expansion of our office and staff, we need to expand our donor base. We are in special need of equipment and financial contributions. Please contact us to find out how you can best help us. Your generosity is greatly appreciated! All contributions are tax deductible to the extent allowed by law. SAlIC Membership A SAIIC membership entitles you to receive the SAIIC Newsletter, Urgent Action Bulletins, notification of special events in your area, and correspondence on the 500 Years of Indian Resistance Campaign. To receive a Personal SAIIC Membership for one year, send a $15 donation to our mailing address. For an Institutional Membership, send a $25 donation. Publications Available SAIIC has co-authored along with the Rainforest Action Network, Amazonia Film Project, and International Rivers Network a special publication designed to give added force to grassroots groups in the Amazon fighting in defense of the rainforest and basic human rights for the Indigenous people there. Amazonia - Voices from the Rainforest, A Resource and Action Guide is available from SAIIC for $8. The Quito Resolutions from the Conference on 500 Years of Indian Resistance are also available from SAIIC for $5. The SAlle Newsletter is provided free, in Spanish to Indian Organizations Meso America "We have recentl SAIIC thanks the following people for their contributions: Wara Aderete, Nilo Cayuqueo, Peter Veilleux, Karen Crump, Karl Guevarra Erb, Guillermo Delgado, Ram6n Diaz Lazo, David Lauer, Pat Brooks, Francesca Castaldi, Dardo Salas, Fernando Torres, Judy Shevelev, Arturo Ramirez, Gina Pacaldo, Xihuanel Huerta, Bobsy Draper, Dick Bancroft, James Muneta, Isidro Galli, Carlos Maibeth, Melina Selvertson, Alfredo Quarto, Nilak Butler, Debra Harry, Gail Gordon, Lynnda Gray, Juan RebQck, Lucilene Whitesell, David Balsam, Dr Carlos Escobar, Katherine Cole, Paul Haible, Sr Mary Peter Bruce, Joshua Mailman, Maya Miller, Jeffrey Bronfman, Jon Christenson, Kit Miller, Wes Huss,Angelica Mendoza, Cristina Marquez, Francisco Mamani, Juan Radovich, Veronica Huillipan, Emilienne Ireland, Diane Nelson, Yolanda Ronquillo, Funding Exchange, Peace Development Fund, Tides Foundation, Vanguard Foundation, Threshold Foundation, Methodist Church - Latin American Division, Agricultural in Mission, Church of Christ for the Homeland Ministries, Open Meadow Foundation, Amerindia, and Amnesty International. Special thanks to all the people at Intertribal Friendship House for sharing their space with us for seven years. in South & moved our offices! Please note our new addresses above! � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Back Cover Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Back Cover Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (40).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/ae2d7835374dda9fe0a70d3ee3dc3211.pdf 091c34c60de71216fb578ff9d00c00fd Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (39).pdf PDF Text Text where oppression due to race, class, gender, and nationality" will no longer exist. We believe that the formation of an international network of Indigenous women will help further our struggles to be liberated from all forms of oppression. This network should always ensure that Indigenous women from the grassroots level have representation in decision-making bodies and general assemblies. We will carry out our responsibility in sharing what has transpired in this conference with the rest of our sisters whoare not here with us and we will strive to continue expanding the linkages among ourselves regionally and globally. We affirm our commitment to empowering ourselves through sustained education, setting up more Indigenous women's organizations and working out development and action programs which are sensitive and responsive to the needs and demands of the majority. We are in solidarity with our sisters from the Americas who are going to celebrate the 500 Years of Indian Resistance to colonization and we look forward to joining with them in their celebrations. (;Oinfe:rerace Resistance The 1992 Bay Area Regional Indian Alliance is coordinating an All-Native Conference to plan and coordinate 1992 Year of Indigenous Peoples activities. The conference is an important North American follow-up to the July 1990 international gathering in Quito, Ecuador and the October 1990 meeting in Minneapolis. The gathering will be held Friday through Sunday, March 22-24, 1991 at DQ University, a private, fully accredited Indian-sanctioned college, located 8 miles west of Davis, California. Papers, draft statements, action plans, recommendations, or suggestions should be submitted by March 18, 1991. Delegates from Indian organizations planning 500 Years activities as well as interested Indian people from the US and Canada are invited. If you are planning to attend, be sure to contact the coordinators as soon as possible. I The Sixth Nuclear-Free and Independent Pacific Conference (NFIP) was held November 1-7, 1990 in Waiuku, Pawarenga, Aotearoa (New Zealand). The following is a statement made on the 500 Years of Indian Resistance in their resolutions: .. .Indigenous Peoples still have a responsibility as caretakers of the land and all life-circles. These lifecircles are threatened by the acceleration of the patterns of destruction initiated in 1492. The Quincentennial is an unprecedented opportunity for the voice of the people to be heard, and to support each other with a united vision of a healthy environment, healthy lives, and freedom to live the way of life given by the Creator, in balance with the natural world. Therefore, the Sixth NFIP Conference, meeting in Waiuku, Pawarenga, Aotearoa during the 1-7 November, 1990: 1) agrees to hold support actions on October 12, 1992 to celebrate the survival of Indigenous peoples, 2) agrees not to buy anything (accept in emergency situations) for one day, October 13th, 1992, in support of an International Indigenous Campaign, 3) declares 1992 to be "The Year of the World's Indigenous Peoples. For more information on the NFIP, can contact: Pacific Concerns Resource Centre PO Box 9295 Newmarket Auckland, AOTEAROA (New Zealand) Tel: 09-375-862 For more information contact: All Native Conference DQ University PO Box 409 Davis, California 95617 Telephone: (916) 758-0470 Voi5Nos3&4 39 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource North American Conference on 500 Years of Resistance and the Sixth NFIP Conference Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title North American Conference on 500 Years of Resistance and the Sixth NFIP Conference Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (39).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/abe0132eb1dbc6a7af45891a101e7d32.pdf 275a44b87add8f6f001ba86ce04c491a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (37-39).pdf PDF Text Text I ... in the eye of wintry storms, In the teeth of howling blizzards, Sami kinship spreads its warm embrace; Moonlight guides the wayfarer, Under flows of flashing northern lights; ... - Sami National Anthem Indian women from the four corners of the world gathered in the land of the Sami people last summer to share experiences and plan strategies for developing an international grassroots organization. The meeting was hosted by Srirrihklai, the Sami Women's organization. As a result of this meeting, a decision was made to develop an International Indigenous Women's Organization with an egalitarian structure to promote the participation of Indigenous women in decision-making processes. Several meetings will be held in the coming months to develop an organizational structure based on our traditional forms of community administration. At the same time, efforts are being made to notify Indian women throughout the world of our plans and to invite them to participate. The next International Conference is scheduled for October, 1992. A South and Central American Indian Women's Conference will be taking place in Lima, Peru in March, 1991 and hosted by AIDESEP (Association of Indian Organizations of the Peruvian Amazon) and COICA. This will be a historic meeting since it will be the first time a conference of South and Central American Indian women is held. Our sisters from the participating organizations have requested financial support to make their grassroots organizing efforts a reality. r------------------------------------, We urge you to respond to this request by sending contributions to: Indian Women's Grassroot Movement Tides Foundation c/o SAIIC Box 28703 Oakland, CA 94604 Following is the Declaration of Karasjohka: We, Indigenous women from 19 countries have come together on August 5-9,1990 in Karasjohka, Samiland (Norway), to collectively share our VoiS Nos3&L1 37 �Indian women of the world meeting in the Land of the Reindeer. socio-economic, cultural, political and spiritual situations, experiences and needs. We come from various parts of the world and are aware of our diversity, but we are here because we believe that we also have common grounds for unity and action. We heard the testimonies of our Indigenous sisters on issues related to the global environmental crisis, the effects of exploitation of our ancestral territories and natural resources on our lives as women, the impact of militarization and nuclearization and presence of foreign military bases on our lands and seas. We tried to understand how powerful nations and governments have imposed state laws on us which have institutionalized our discrimination and repression and facilitated the rape of our lands. We have realized that our continuing marginalization and oppression as Indigenous women are results of colonization, the setting up of powerful nations of neocolonies to ensure their economic, political, cultural and military stranglehold over supposedly sovereign nations and the insatiable greed of multinational corporations to accumulate profits. We were also made aware that patriarchal systems have been imposed on us by such oppressive structures to further ensure the division between the people and assure the continued domination of these powerful nations and multinational corporations. We are alarmed by the continuing number of Indigenous women and children being victimized by military operations in the guise of anti-communism, as shared with us by our sisters in Central and South America and in Asia. The number of Indigenous women being raped, sexually abused, tortured, arbitrarily arrested, and widowed have been increasing since the United States Government has launched low-intensity warfare on various South and Central American, and Asian nations which have national liberation movements. The rapid degradation of the environment of our ancestral homelands has caused irreparable damage to our lives and lands and we have come up with regional workshop resolutions which address problems related to this. We grieve over what is happening to Mother Earth, and we share in the pain of our sisters who have been dehumanized by militarization, who have been compromised because of tourism and the debt crisis, and those who have to suffer from incurable diseases, carry toxins in their breast milk, and give birth to deformed or mutilated babies because of nuclear radiation and toxic waste dumping. We are strengthened by our sisters who refuse to be immobilized in spite of their dehumanizing situations. We are inspired by the courage, the steadfastness, determination and the commitment of our Indigenous sisters who continue working for a transformed society, SAIIC Nevvsletter 38 .' �where oppression due to race, class, gender, and nationality" will no longer exist. We believe that the formation of an international network of Indigenous women will help further our struggles to be liberated from all forms of oppression. This network should always ensure that Indigenous women from the grassroots level have representation in decision-making bodies and general assemblies. We will carry out our responsibility in sharing what has transpired in this conference with the rest of our sisters whoare not here with us and we will strive to continue expanding the linkages among ourselves regionally and globally. We affirm our commitment to empowering ourselves through sustained education, setting up more Indigenous women's organizations and working out development and action programs which are sensitive and responsive to the needs and demands of the majority. We are in solidarity with our sisters from the Americas who are going to celebrate the 500 Years of Indian Resistance to colonization and we look forward to joining with them in their celebrations. (;Oinfe:rerace Resistance The 1992 Bay Area Regional Indian Alliance is coordinating an All-Native Conference to plan and coordinate 1992 Year of Indigenous Peoples activities. The conference is an important North American follow-up to the July 1990 international gathering in Quito, Ecuador and the October 1990 meeting in Minneapolis. The gathering will be held Friday through Sunday, March 22-24, 1991 at DQ University, a private, fully accredited Indian-sanctioned college, located 8 miles west of Davis, California. Papers, draft statements, action plans, recommendations, or suggestions should be submitted by March 18, 1991. Delegates from Indian organizations planning 500 Years activities as well as interested Indian people from the US and Canada are invited. If you are planning to attend, be sure to contact the coordinators as soon as possible. I The Sixth Nuclear-Free and Independent Pacific Conference (NFIP) was held November 1-7, 1990 in Waiuku, Pawarenga, Aotearoa (New Zealand). The following is a statement made on the 500 Years of Indian Resistance in their resolutions: .. .Indigenous Peoples still have a responsibility as caretakers of the land and all life-circles. These lifecircles are threatened by the acceleration of the patterns of destruction initiated in 1492. The Quincentennial is an unprecedented opportunity for the voice of the people to be heard, and to support each other with a united vision of a healthy environment, healthy lives, and freedom to live the way of life given by the Creator, in balance with the natural world. Therefore, the Sixth NFIP Conference, meeting in Waiuku, Pawarenga, Aotearoa during the 1-7 November, 1990: 1) agrees to hold support actions on October 12, 1992 to celebrate the survival of Indigenous peoples, 2) agrees not to buy anything (accept in emergency situations) for one day, October 13th, 1992, in support of an International Indigenous Campaign, 3) declares 1992 to be "The Year of the World's Indigenous Peoples. For more information on the NFIP, can contact: Pacific Concerns Resource Centre PO Box 9295 Newmarket Auckland, AOTEAROA (New Zealand) Tel: 09-375-862 For more information contact: All Native Conference DQ University PO Box 409 Davis, California 95617 Telephone: (916) 758-0470 Voi5Nos3&4 39 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Indian Women of the World Meet in the Land of the Reindeer People Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Indian Women of the World Meet in the Land of the Reindeer People Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (37-39).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/db0ddc49b54388ee88c06daf83fc7340.pdf 8e14bd54d8fdded22ce263c47d047729 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (36).pdf PDF Text Text the government with proposals for peaceful solutions to the crisis. Yet the government refused to negotiate. The Indians who laid down arms and left the treatment center will be brought before a Quebec judge who will determine whether charges will be lodged against any of them. Mohawks who had been previously arrested came out of jail covered with cigarettes bums. At the sight of burned chests, Canadian judges threw the cases out of court. Mohawk active resistance to land usurpation comes as a response to repeated and recent losses: they have lost more land since 1950 than in the previous 100 years. Their land has been purchased by the Government and developed with bridges (including the Mercier) and hydroelectric power plants that provide cheap energy to industry. This has meant environmental degradation, as the heavy industry discharges pollutants into nearby rivers, making both farming and fishing unsafe for the Mohawks living on the Kahnawake and Akwesasne reserves. Thus, Indian's revendications have moved to the larger and present issue of selfdetermination and the general question of lands rights: over 570 aboriginal land claims, covering more than 1/2 of the Canada land mass, still await settlement. The Government now has a policy of negotiating no more than six claims at a time and made vague promises toaccelerae the process. Yet particularly clear and rigid is the Government position on native self-determination. Prime Minister Brian Mulroney declared: "Native selfgovernment does not now and cannot ever mean sovereign independence." The Mohawk Nation is asking people to write to Prime Minister Brian Mulroney in their support: Prime Minister Brian Mulroney House of Commons Ottawa, Ontario CANADA K1 A OA6 Fax: (613) 995-1686 For more information about the Mohawk situation, contact: Mohawk Nation Defense Fund PO Box 1987 Kahnawake, Qubec CANADA JOL 1BO 36 I I I SAIIC received the following from the Student Alliance of North American Indians. We at SAIIC wish to express our solidarity with their views. We, the members of the Student Alliance of North American Indians (SANAI), oppose the war in Iraq. We oppose all acts of aggression inflicted upon Indigenous peoples, and upon all peoples of the world ... The government which is now killing the peoples of Iraq, and risking the lives of millions throughout the world, is the same government which has been killing and oppressing the Indigenous peoples of the Americas for 500 years. The government and people of the United States took American Indian tribal land by force and trickery, and have never fulfilled their promises to the tribes. The government and the people of the United States have tried to marginalize American Indian peoples, and ignore our pleas for justice, but when the Army wants bodies for the frontline, we are expected to die first. Second-rate citizens, but first-class cannon fodder. . Throughout our history, we've served, both voluntarily and involuntarily, in every war in which this country has been involved. Yet, the United States continually fails to serve the needs of American Indians in education, in housing, in health care, and basic human rights. Tribal lands have a long history of being exploited. This exploitation will be intensified because of the need for natural resources. The government and multinational corporations threaten the future of our tribal homelands and the balance of the world ... We owe no debt of allegiance to the government. SAIIC Newsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Indian Student Alliance Denounces US Agression in Middle East (North America) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Indian Student Alliance Denounces US Agression in Middle East (North America) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (36).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/4de3e50b115dd6a5678c802ee2cbddf6.pdf 5cebafc3e9d9d17badeb7d301ea19721 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (35-36).pdf PDF Text Text I I • IG Canadian scale Military Invasion Kanahwake Mohawk Mounts Full- a In response to the expansion of a local golf course onto ancestral lands, Mohawks began to protest on March 11th, 1990 in the village of Kanesatake (40 km from Montreal). The ownership of their sacred burial grounds has been a matter of dispute between the Mohawk Nation and the Canadian government for more than 200 years. The local government sold the land to developers after the federal government had refused petitions to adjudicate Mohawk land claims since 1956. In response, the village of Kanesatake blockaded a small, local, dirt road leading to the resort community of Oka, where the golf-course was planned. This was done to prevent further usurpation of their lands. The Mayor of Oka obtained an injunction ordering the removal of the road-block, clearly violating treaty agreements. The Mohawks were attacked on July 11 by about 100 well-armed provincial paramilitary police. The Mohawks f9ught back and in the ensuing gunfire, one of the police officers was found killed in the crossfire. The Mohawks were charged without due process of law, despite their claim that they heard a police radio transmission which revealed that the officer was killed by his own colleagues in their confused retreat. On the same day, July 11, the besieged Kanesatake Mohawks requested assistance from kindred Mohawks at the nearby Kanahwake Reserve. In support, the people of Kanahwake erected a blockade of the Mercier Bridge which was built on their lands. This effectively blockaded a main commute artery to Montreal, and thereby drew international attention to the situation at Kanesatake. On April 26th, 1990 the Mohawks at Mercier Bridge offered to open one lane to traffic. In response, government officials walked out of the negotiations, ignoring the offer. The following day, Canada's Prime Minister, Brian Mulroney ordered 4,000 army troops to join the forces already outside the two Indian reserves. Government forces were armed with armored personnel carriers, grenade launchers, rocket launchers and tanks. An attack by the army seemed imminent. Thus a caravan of 60 cars full of women, elders and children made ready to leave Kahnawake. They were searched by police just outside the reserve. While they were being detained, they were attacked and stoned by nonIndian protesters, while the police stood by watching. A child, a mother and an elderly man were taken to a hospital as a consequence of the assault. The elderly man died in the hospital four days after the stoning. On September third, 1990 the Quebec Police and the Canadian Army forcibly invaded Mohawk lands. Broken ribs, jaws and elbows were reported. About 50 Mohawks retreated into an alcohol treatment center. They held off the confrontation for 11 weeks. Throughout this time the Mohawk Nation presented Vol5 Nos3&4 35 �the government with proposals for peaceful solutions to the crisis. Yet the government refused to negotiate. The Indians who laid down arms and left the treatment center will be brought before a Quebec judge who will determine whether charges will be lodged against any of them. Mohawks who had been previously arrested came out of jail covered with cigarettes bums. At the sight of burned chests, Canadian judges threw the cases out of court. Mohawk active resistance to land usurpation comes as a response to repeated and recent losses: they have lost more land since 1950 than in the previous 100 years. Their land has been purchased by the Government and developed with bridges (including the Mercier) and hydroelectric power plants that provide cheap energy to industry. This has meant environmental degradation, as the heavy industry discharges pollutants into nearby rivers, making both farming and fishing unsafe for the Mohawks living on the Kahnawake and Akwesasne reserves. Thus, Indian's revendications have moved to the larger and present issue of selfdetermination and the general question of lands rights: over 570 aboriginal land claims, covering more than 1/2 of the Canada land mass, still await settlement. The Government now has a policy of negotiating no more than six claims at a time and made vague promises toaccelerae the process. Yet particularly clear and rigid is the Government position on native self-determination. Prime Minister Brian Mulroney declared: "Native selfgovernment does not now and cannot ever mean sovereign independence." The Mohawk Nation is asking people to write to Prime Minister Brian Mulroney in their support: Prime Minister Brian Mulroney House of Commons Ottawa, Ontario CANADA K1 A OA6 Fax: (613) 995-1686 For more information about the Mohawk situation, contact: Mohawk Nation Defense Fund PO Box 1987 Kahnawake, Qubec CANADA JOL 1BO 36 I I I SAIIC received the following from the Student Alliance of North American Indians. We at SAIIC wish to express our solidarity with their views. We, the members of the Student Alliance of North American Indians (SANAI), oppose the war in Iraq. We oppose all acts of aggression inflicted upon Indigenous peoples, and upon all peoples of the world ... The government which is now killing the peoples of Iraq, and risking the lives of millions throughout the world, is the same government which has been killing and oppressing the Indigenous peoples of the Americas for 500 years. The government and people of the United States took American Indian tribal land by force and trickery, and have never fulfilled their promises to the tribes. The government and the people of the United States have tried to marginalize American Indian peoples, and ignore our pleas for justice, but when the Army wants bodies for the frontline, we are expected to die first. Second-rate citizens, but first-class cannon fodder. . Throughout our history, we've served, both voluntarily and involuntarily, in every war in which this country has been involved. Yet, the United States continually fails to serve the needs of American Indians in education, in housing, in health care, and basic human rights. Tribal lands have a long history of being exploited. This exploitation will be intensified because of the need for natural resources. The government and multinational corporations threaten the future of our tribal homelands and the balance of the world ... We owe no debt of allegiance to the government. SAIIC Newsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Mohawk Lands Invaded by Canadian Government over the Expansion of a Golf Course! (North America) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Mohawk Lands Invaded by Canadian Government over the Expansion of a Golf Course! (North America) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (35-36).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/794ecd3acb0d5364c6a9e0d3ae388106.pdf 4bbd67fbdb6164b8da8f7625bd78f05f Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (34).pdf PDF Text Text II I The National Association of the Indigenous People of El Salvador (ANIS) held its first nationwide gathering of Indian Peoples on September 17-22, 1990 in San Salvador. The National Gathering of Indian People on Culture, Ecology and Justice was well attended by Maya, Lenca and Nahua Indian representatives from throughout the nation, as well as national and international lawyers, environmentalists and human rights delegates. Despite careful invitations to a broad range of representatives which might truly promote peace in the region, government officials, FMLN and most political party representatives were conspicuously absent from the meeting. 12. The Legislative Assembly should write laws which benefit Indigenous and poor people in general; 13. Humanize the army; 14. Lower the price on basic articles of consumption and distribute articles donated by foreign countries and international organizations rather than selling them; 15. Define a policy which recognizes all peoples right to an adequate diet and implement this policy; 16. Investigate and punish all human rights violations and incidences of corruption; Nevertheless, those present made concrete proposals directed specifically at the Salvadoran Armed Forces and the national government. A summary of the conclusions of the September meeting follows: 17. Reject foreign intervention in internal matters and keep government hands out of Indigenous matters; 1. A policy with respect to the conservation and protection of natural resources which stems from a change in attitude as regards Nature; 19. Implement an integral agrarian reform program which includes a food policy, the redistribution of the land, technical assistance, sufficient administrative assistance, establishment of credit and mechanisms for marketing products which benefit the producer rather than the intermediary; 2. A policy with respect to the conservation and protection of Indigenous culture and values and strict adherence to Articles 62 and 63 of the Salvadoran Constitution which refer to the preservation, diffusion and respect for native languages, history, artwork and archeology; 3. A fair application of justice; 4. An end to the repression of all peoples; 5. Subscription to, ratification of and application of all UN treaties designed to protect the rights of Indigenous peoples; 6. Dialogue and negotiation With the FMLN as well as a cease-fire; 18. Respect Indigenous autonomy; 20. Control and elimination of all drug sales beginning with alcohol producing factories and sales, then on to marijuana, cocaine and other substances damaging to humanity and denigrating to the individual. As ANIS leader, Adrian Esquino Lisco subsequently noted at an important march in San Salvador on October 12th, "When the Indigenous people become liberated, the land too becomes liberated ... For the Indian people of El Salvador, and for Indian people throughout the Americas, October 12th is a 'Day of Disgrace,' because it marks the beginning of an invasion which continues today." 7. Respect for brothers and sisters practicing traditional medecine; 8. Distribution of all uncultivated state lands to the Indigenous peoples as these lands were wrongfully taken from them; 9. No forced and illegal recruitment of our children into the armed forces; 10. Absolute respect for human rights; 11. The government and the FMLN should request our consent before entering our lands to carry out any operations; 34 SAIIC Newsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource The First Gathering of All Indian Nations of El Salvador Held (Meso America) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title The First Gathering of All Indian Nations of El Salvador Held (Meso America) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (34).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/7ab15477d204570dfb84458097aae5cb.pdf 6421e43d6a218d7d9a12cf1289f77d89 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (33).pdf PDF Text Text Indians and poor latinos, organized in CUC, urgently denounce the following atrocious crimes before their people and the international community: 1. Each day the pain and anguish suffered by their families, as a result of governmental repression, increases. In the month of June, the number of assassinations rose to 198, in addition to 20 kidnappings and 49 wounded in political violence. In the countryside, the kidnapping of Maria Mejia and the aggression on the part of the civil patrols against the government's Adjunct Ombudsman for Human Rights in Parraxtut, Sacapulas; the attack made on the Mutual Support Group (GAM) in Xepol, Chichicastenango; and the military sweeps carried out by civil patrollers in Huehuetenango, Solola, El Quiche, and other departments, add to the list of repressive actions. 2. Soldiers have threatened the communities of Zacualpa, El Quiche, saying that they are ready to carry out massacres like those of 1981, '82, and '83, which left hundreds of widows and clandestine mass graves. In the township of Chimatzat, Zacualpa, on July 12 at 3:00AM, soldiers dressed as civilians kidnapped Samuel de la Cruz Gomez, and beat his wife, Ignacia de la Cruz Gomez, and son, Genaro de la Cruz Gomez (age 16). In addition, they stole money and other belongings from the family. To justify the kidnapping, uniformed soldiers arrived five minutes later to say that guerrillas had carried out the kidnapping. With methods like these, they try to fool people and force them to participate in the illegal Civil Patrols. The army has occupied several townships of Zacualpa and San Andres. It is increasingly clear that the government and army are getting ready for another massacre like that of El Aguacate, Chimaltenango (November,l988). 3. On July 1, two civil patrol commanders, Santos Chic Us and Catalina Juarez, of Joyabaj, El Quiche, sent a death threat to department authorities to force them to oblige Tomas Lares Ciprian to join the Civil Patrol. Mr. Lares Ciprian has been struggling for his constitutional right to refuse to participate in the Civil Patrols. 4. In Chichicastenango, El Quiche, the military VoiS Nos3&4 commander is threatening people so that they will lie to reporters about the truth of military repression in the community. The army is also harassing members of the community who are organizing development committees and is keeping a strict watch on the markets in order to control how much food people buy. In the township of Chipaca Primero of Chichicastenango, Juan Tiriquiz Perez, 47 years old, was assassinated on July 8. 5. Thousands of displaced families are suffering aerial and land-based bombings, while on foot the army has destroyed many of their crops and houses. In the ghettos of the cities, threats and persecution against these displaced families are increasing. 6. Believing that the recent Presidential elections would divert attention from these abuses, the government and the army began a repressive campaign against the leaders and members of Indian, campesino, and popular organizations like CERJ, CUC, CONAVIGUA (Guatemalan National Widows Committee), GAM, cooperatives, catechists, all of those who are struggling to throw off the illegal Civil Patrols and to provide a little more food for their children. Through this campaign of terror, they are trying to justify a policy of repression in the upcoming months, supposedly to control the violent situation which they, themselves have created. Faced with the tragic situation in which they live, Guatemalans call on all governments, non-governmental organizations, human rights organizations, and people everywhere, to put pressure on the Guatemalan government and the army to investigate these crimes and punish those responsible for violating their human rights. want life peace. contact Comite de Unldad Campesina Postal Angel 000, Mexico DF MEXICO 33 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Campesino Unity Committee (CUC) Calls for Solidarity (Meso America) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Campesino Unity Committee (CUC) Calls for Solidarity (Meso America) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (33).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/7c492f30d01667a3d207e8042dcea7b1.pdf a064ae8ae3c8759c1a125ec7f0c15efa Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (31-32).pdf PDF Text Text (Guatemala) On December 2, 1990, after midnight, members of the military garrison at Santiago Atitlan fired upon a crowd of 1500 people who were protesting the harassment of civilians from their village. There were confirmed reports of 11 dead and 19 wounded. Other sources claim 26 dead and 71 wounded. By December 4,1990, three more wounded had died, bringing the confirmed total dead to 14. The evening of the massacre, soldiers entered the town, robbing a store and kidnapping its owner. Relatives of the shopkeeper woke other residents by ringing the church bells. When villagers heard the commotion, a crowd of 1500 gathered in the town plaza and proceeded to the Panabaj army garrison to protest the incident, shouting "Leave us in peace!" A short time later, the army opened fire on the crowd. 9 1/U ~ VoiS Nos3&4 1: Santiago Atitlan has been the site of massacres and continuous murders ever since the army permanently occupied the town in 1978. Mayor Delfino Rodas is calling for a rapid investigation into the massacre and f.') prosecution of those found responsible as IJ!..\ well as the removal of the army garrison r~ ~ from Santiago Atitlan. Referring to the army base, he states that "Instead of protecting us, it is they who, under the effects of alcohol, become the assasins of the residents of this area." The people of Guatemala have :; : 31 �expressed their solidarity with the people of Santiago Atitlan pn a huge scale. Many Indian, religious and human rights groups are demanding justice. The people of Atitlan are not allowing themselves to be intimidated and are coming forth to give testimony, in spite of repeated threats to their well-being. The military is emphasizing that the massacre was a "mistake committed by the officers and soldiers of the garrison." According to the Guatemala News, the massacre was no mistake, but part of a well-orchestrated plan to intimidate and hold back the growing tide of popular discontent. The 1978 massacre of over 300 farmers in Panz6s, Alta Verapaz, the killing of 39 political leaders in the Spanish Embassy in 1980 and the "scorched earth" policy that did away with more than 440 villages and countless human beings between 1982 and 1984, were all carried out on orders that filtered down through the military chain of command. Indian organizations in Guatemala are requesting that people throughout the world express solidarity with them by reading the following declaration in their respective languages over local radio and televsion stations: We, the people of _ __ [country, organization, community or Native nationality] express our anger and anguish over the massacre by the Guatemalan army of the people of Santiago Atitlan on the 2nd of December, 1990. We join with the orphans, widows, families and neighbors of those killed in cold blood to demand the immediate removal of the Army and National Police from Santiago Atitlan and that those responsible be brought to justice. With great admiration for your unity and bravery, rooted in the strength of your community we appeal to those who rule Guatemala: the Army, the landowners, the indusrialists, to match your determination for peace and justice. to: 1) Demand the prosecution and punishment of the military personnel responsible the massacre. 2) Demand the respect of the villagers' petition to remove the army from Santiago, A titian. 3) Demand that U.S. gress withhold all U.S. aid Guatemala until the villagers' petition is respected and those responsible for the massacre are brought to justice. 32 messages to: Gen. Leonel Bolanos Ministro de Defensa Ministerio de Defensa Palacio Nacional Guatemala, Guatemala Telex: 305-5321 RELEXTGU Tel: 011-502-253-7472 ext. 2226 Fax: 011-502-2:53and: (Suggested salutation: Your Excellency) Tel: 011 502 1212, 1 502 2266 Fax: 011 253 7472 Telex: 305 5331 CAPRES GU Telegrams: Presidente Cerezo, Guatemala, Guatemala .,. ...., •• action is ur"'""'"'.."" needed! Please feel reprint this and help to ~n~~&~~s:an the word! SAIIC Nevvsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Massacre of Tzutujil Indians in santiago Atitlan (Meso America) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Massacre of Tzutujil Indians in santiago Atitlan (Meso America) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (31-32).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/6d6f18d08f60df9cb83daeae39137584.pdf 1fdc2da8d454c95996faa5ef26f6d931 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (30).pdf PDF Text Text SAllC: Why can't the Attorney General enter military headquarters, is there a law that prohibits this? CE: No. There is no such law, but there is the gun. The Attorney General is the law, but in remote zones such as Ayacucho where the military is omnipotent, the Attorney General cannot enter their headquarters. That is why, if we suspend emergency zones, we can solve the problem of the disappeared. The emergency zones are at the core of the problem. In Peru the emergency zones include 40 percent of the country. It would be a radical change to send the military back to their barracks. In these zones, the army has created a kind of status quo. They are very entrenched in being there and extorting the people, etc ... When [former President] Alan Garda said the emergency zone status of Ayacucho would be lifted, car bombs immediately appeared in Ayacucho. The Attorney General's office investigated one of those car bombings and we came to the conclusion that it was How You Can Write to the Peruvian President 1) expressing your concern at the murders and tortures in the Ayacucho Province,2) request that a prompt and independent investigation of the tortures and killings be carried out, that the results be made public and those responsible be brought to justice, 3) request that safety of the witnesses be ensured, 4) contact your local media to give publicity to these atrocities. Last-Minute SAIIC was just informed by Amnesty International about more tortures and deaths of Quechua Indian people in the Department of Ayacucho. At least 16 people were tortured by soldiers, as a result of which three of them died, in the province of Vilcashuaman, Department of Ayacucho. On September 25, at 7am, a contingent of soldiers from the Accomarca military base, led by officials · nicknamed "Moreno" and "Gitano," went to the community of Pucapaccana in the Province of Vilcashuaman. They reportedly called the community together and forced them to hand over cattle, money and belongings. The reports add that the names of Bernabe Balde6n Garda, Jesus Balde6n Zapata and Santos Balde6n Palacios were read from a list and they were ordered to accompany the soldiers to Pacchalualhua, bringing the animals with them. Bernabe Balde6n Garda was among the confirmed dead. On their way three women who 30 planted by the army. So the President revoked his order. Today fifty percent of the population of Ayacucho is military or police. SAllC: With the US promoting the militarization of the coca production zones, will the situation in the emergency zones be aggravated? CE: I think the problem of drugtrafficking is wrongly emphasized. The problem is not the production, but the consumption. If there is nobody to consume cocaine, who is going to produce it? The consumption must be attacked and that must happen in the US. Peruvians have been using coca leaves for thousands of years and it's caused no problems, ever! It's part of the tradition. So why try to eradicate the production of coca leaves? For North Americans, it would be cheaper to control their borders, than to spend what they are spending in weaponry in South America, unless, of course, they have other goals... Presidente Alberto Fujimori Presidente de Ia Republica Palacio de Gobiemo Plaza de Armas Lima 1, PERU For more information on human rights in Peru, contact: Coordinadora de Derechos Humanos Horacio Hurteaga 704 Jesus Maria Lima, PERU were grazing their sheep were reportedly raped by five of the soldiers escorting the detainees. When the group arrived at Pacchahuallhua, they were taken to a local government center where they were joined by other men, women and school children, who were being held by soldiers who had carried out similar raids in nearby areas. Ill-treatment and torture reportedly took place in a nearby church. In a written denunciation made by the Federation of Vilcashuaman Institutions (FIPV), its representatives describe the torture to which the peasants were subjected: ...they were tied up with wire and hung upside-down from a beam and whipped; afterwards they were made to lie on the floor, one on top of another, fanning a pile of human bodies such that the person at the bottom carried the weight of all the others and the soldiers jumped on top of them; after this illtreatment they were submerged in ... hot and ... cold water ...until they were dying ... SAIIC Nevvsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Last-Minute Communique (Andes) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Last-Minute Communique (Andes) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (30).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/00000a93b7c39cc1da348edcfeb59a46.pdf c8fa1d16a855f8d43567521b2b954b19 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (28-30).pdf PDF Text Text earing for his life after denouncing the Peruvian Army being responsible for the "Cayara Massacre/' Dr. Carlos Escobar fled Peru with the aid of Amnesty International. He was the appointed Prosecutor for the Ministry of Public Affairs whose jurisdiction included the zone of Ayacucho, Peru, from July 1987 to November 1988. SAIIC had the opportunity of interviewing Carlos Escobar in the end of June. What follows are excerpts of that interview. SAIIC: Why are you now in the United States and what are you denouncing? Carlos Escobar (CE): I was taken out of Peru by Amnesty International due to an investigation I conducted there about a massacre of peasants in the Cayara zone, Department of Ayacucho, in 1988. The military killed 31 persons and "disappeared" another 40. But the idea was to kill them so the massacre could be blamed on Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path guerrilla group). They killed them in front of their families with knifes, axes and machetes. The investigation established that 200 military personnel participated in the massacre. The order was given by a General, the Chief of the Political-Military Command of the zone. On October 14,1988, I turned in the report and by the 18th, my office was shut down by the Attorney General. After that, there was a mandate to close the investigation. No accusation was made and as the days passed, the people who had already given witness in my presence, 41 in all, were detained by the army. In other words the office of the Attorney General gave out the names and addresses of the witnesses. In September, 1989, the most important witness, a nurse of campesino descent who was pressing charges against the General himself, was killed. In our work, my office uncovered evidence of 200 "disappeared" people who were detained in army barracks. Almost all of them showed signs of physical torture. The army detains people for supposed participation in terrorist acts, but nothing is ever proven. The work of our office was to pressure the military headquarters into freeing these people and to obtain evidence of illegal activities by army personnel. SAIIC: How can you be certain that members of the army committed the Cayara massacre? 28 CE: Two-hundred army personnel were recognized not only because of their uniforms, but because they arrived in army trucks and government helicopters. What happened was that the previous day, May 13, in a town called Erusco, ten minutes from Cayara, a platoon was ambushed and terrorists killed 4 military personnel. The next day, the army carne and took over the town. They killed the people in front of the children and in front of their wives. They staged it to look as if Sendero committed the massacre. SAIIC: Before, you mentioned to us an interesting contradiction. You were telling us that the soldiers who committed this heinous act are also Indigenous people. Is this true? CE: The army administration is made up of middle class officials. This class is not Indigenous. Army officials reject the peasants, believing themselves to be superior. They treat peasants like animals. But the army's rank and file includes Indigenous people who are, themselves, manipulated to combat their Indigenous brothers. In Peru, the draft is mandatory at 18 years of age. The Navy has a reputation for being very courageous in Peru. It was funny to see that in the jungle zones, they utilize Indigenous people for protection. From 6pm they are secluded in their barracks and they leave two or three people from a local village with whistles on a platform to alert them if terrorists arrive. SAIIC: What is the status of the investigation now? CE: In Peru it has been indefinitely closed. I was called to Washington on May 14th by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States. This commission is conducting its own investigation of the massacre. If there is sufficient evidence, the case can be taken to the International Court. SAIIC: What is the purpose for militarily organizing civilian patrols in Indian communities? CE: To confront Sendero Luminoso. In the Ayacucho zone, these groups do not form at people's initiative. The army has tried to mandate the creation of these groups but it doesn't always work. SAIIC Nevvsletter �SAIIC: What is the relation between Sendero and the communities? There is information about massacres committed by Sendero in some communities, isn't there? SAIIC: What do you see in the future of the Indian population of Peru and how can solidarity organizations help? CE: For almost two years I have been investigating this and I have not seen even one community voluntarily collaborate with Sendero. People in the communities fear the army as well as Sendero. When the army or Sendero patrols arrive, people collaborate with them only out of fear. CE: The government has never bothered about the poorest zones of the country: Ayacucho, Apurimac and Huancaveliva. That is why Sendero became active there. The population there doesn't have anything to lose. A good way to help them is by communicating directly with the organizations which are truly representative of them. These are organizations of farmers and peasants. The organization of the families of the disappeared has headquarters in Ayacucho. This is where people from many different communities meet. They come with their children, prepare food in a soup kitchen for the orphans, and write down their testimonies to take to the prosecutor's office. SAIIC: But are the accusations about assassinations and massacres of supposed army collaborators by Sendero true? CE: This happens. When an army patrol arrives in a community, the people collaborate out of fear of being beaten up or robbed. Afterwards, when a Sendero patrol arrives, there are people who denounce them so that they will not be beaten or robbed by Sendero. In other words, the Indian people are caught in the cross-fire. SAIIC: Do you have any information of US military bases in the jungle, being used to train the Peruvian army to fight the narcotraffickers? SAIIC: There is great concern about the number of orphans whose parents have been killed in the violence. Is there any support for the communities which have to take care of these children? CE: The important thing is not only to help the orphans, but to prevent the killing of more people. In the Cayara case, a woman whose husband was killed, testified. She escaped with her six children. The military took her as a prisoner and because she was a prime witness, they killed her too, leaving the six children without protection. CE: I have learned that the North American government has One of the witnesses recovering from bullet given economic aid of approxiwounds in a nearby hospital. mately 36 million dollars. A big portion of this goes to the army. Nevertheless, the army in Peru has no legal jurisdiction to fight drug trafficking. SAIIC: Are traditions, like the minka [communal This legally falls under the jurisdiction of Police forces. work] in the Quechua areas, being preserved? Possibly this money is being used to confront subversion, CE: In the entire zones of Ayacucho, Apurimac and that is a completely different situation. and Cuzco, traditions are still strong. The minka is even SAIIC: Governments tend to mix the concepts of being exploited by the army. They make people work for subversion and narco-trafficking. This provides a pretext nothing, utilizing the minka system to build roads. And to repress the population, and ultimately, to fully exploit the people obey because they are used to it, the minka is human and natural resources. part of their upbringing. CE: The government has publicised the fact that SAIIC: Peru has a new government now. Do you Sendero has links with drug traffickers, but I don't know think that there will be changes in the human rights if this is exactly true or simply a way to attract US situation? Will the violations persist? monies. In the Huallaga Zone, drug-traffickers operate CE: The government is not confronting the with small airplanes and it would be impossible for the guerrillas adequately. The political and military control Peruvian airforce not to detect them. In the same way of emergency zones is under the sole command of an that drugs leave the country, sophisticated weaponry army general who doesn't know what human rights are. enters, and Sendero has never attacked a community If he does know, he disregards them. That is why there with sophisticated weaponry. The weapons confiscated from them are those stolen from the police or the army. If are so many disappeared people. The police are controlled by the Public Ministry. The Attorney General can Sendero had some control over the drug-traffickers, if enter all their stations, but he cannot enter any military there were any sort of relationship there, they would headquarters. have sophisticated weapons. The fact is that they don't. Voi5Nos3&4 29 �SAllC: Why can't the Attorney General enter military headquarters, is there a law that prohibits this? CE: No. There is no such law, but there is the gun. The Attorney General is the law, but in remote zones such as Ayacucho where the military is omnipotent, the Attorney General cannot enter their headquarters. That is why, if we suspend emergency zones, we can solve the problem of the disappeared. The emergency zones are at the core of the problem. In Peru the emergency zones include 40 percent of the country. It would be a radical change to send the military back to their barracks. In these zones, the army has created a kind of status quo. They are very entrenched in being there and extorting the people, etc ... When [former President] Alan Garda said the emergency zone status of Ayacucho would be lifted, car bombs immediately appeared in Ayacucho. The Attorney General's office investigated one of those car bombings and we came to the conclusion that it was How You Can Write to the Peruvian President 1) expressing your concern at the murders and tortures in the Ayacucho Province,2) request that a prompt and independent investigation of the tortures and killings be carried out, that the results be made public and those responsible be brought to justice, 3) request that safety of the witnesses be ensured, 4) contact your local media to give publicity to these atrocities. Last-Minute SAIIC was just informed by Amnesty International about more tortures and deaths of Quechua Indian people in the Department of Ayacucho. At least 16 people were tortured by soldiers, as a result of which three of them died, in the province of Vilcashuaman, Department of Ayacucho. On September 25, at 7am, a contingent of soldiers from the Accomarca military base, led by officials · nicknamed "Moreno" and "Gitano," went to the community of Pucapaccana in the Province of Vilcashuaman. They reportedly called the community together and forced them to hand over cattle, money and belongings. The reports add that the names of Bernabe Balde6n Garda, Jesus Balde6n Zapata and Santos Balde6n Palacios were read from a list and they were ordered to accompany the soldiers to Pacchalualhua, bringing the animals with them. Bernabe Balde6n Garda was among the confirmed dead. On their way three women who 30 planted by the army. So the President revoked his order. Today fifty percent of the population of Ayacucho is military or police. SAllC: With the US promoting the militarization of the coca production zones, will the situation in the emergency zones be aggravated? CE: I think the problem of drugtrafficking is wrongly emphasized. The problem is not the production, but the consumption. If there is nobody to consume cocaine, who is going to produce it? The consumption must be attacked and that must happen in the US. Peruvians have been using coca leaves for thousands of years and it's caused no problems, ever! It's part of the tradition. So why try to eradicate the production of coca leaves? For North Americans, it would be cheaper to control their borders, than to spend what they are spending in weaponry in South America, unless, of course, they have other goals... Presidente Alberto Fujimori Presidente de Ia Republica Palacio de Gobiemo Plaza de Armas Lima 1, PERU For more information on human rights in Peru, contact: Coordinadora de Derechos Humanos Horacio Hurteaga 704 Jesus Maria Lima, PERU were grazing their sheep were reportedly raped by five of the soldiers escorting the detainees. When the group arrived at Pacchahuallhua, they were taken to a local government center where they were joined by other men, women and school children, who were being held by soldiers who had carried out similar raids in nearby areas. Ill-treatment and torture reportedly took place in a nearby church. In a written denunciation made by the Federation of Vilcashuaman Institutions (FIPV), its representatives describe the torture to which the peasants were subjected: ...they were tied up with wire and hung upside-down from a beam and whipped; afterwards they were made to lie on the floor, one on top of another, fanning a pile of human bodies such that the person at the bottom carried the weight of all the others and the soldiers jumped on top of them; after this illtreatment they were submerged in ... hot and ... cold water ...until they were dying ... SAIIC Nevvsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Caught in the Crossfire!: Peruvian Prosecutor Denounces Massacre of Quechua Indians in Ayacucho (Andes) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Caught in the Crossfire!: Peruvian Prosecutor Denounces Massacre of Quechua Indians in Ayacucho (Andes) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (28-30).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/94558555bb7345905d5febc580607b9b.pdf 368604a5841107710009fb60b34ab10a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (27).pdf PDF Text Text • I • I • I (Peru &. Bolivia) The United States Government offered the Peruvian Government a military aid packet of $36 million, earmarked for updating the equipment of six special infantry battalions to be employed in the high Huallaga area in the "fight against narcotrafflcking and subversion." The military aid was rejected by the Fujimori government which refuses to order the Peruvian military to fight In the "war on drugs," citing more pressing issues. Nevertheless, Fujlmorl has extended the emergencyzone to other provinces. Because of this, the Bush administration Is threatening to cut $63 million in scheduled economic aid for 1991. Following the same political plan, the "war on drugs" has brought ever-increasing U.S intervention in Bolivia, and has made militarization the precondition to any sort of financial aid. In 1989, the Bolivian government had to agree to the eradication of 5,000 hectares of coca groves, either with the collaboration of peasants or against their will, to obtain future loans. By the end of 1990, according to the Bennet Plan for Drug Control, the Bolivian military, police, judicial and intelligence forces will receive $67 million. Another $30 million will go to "approved" alternative development projects. by Amnesty International as one of the worst countries in respect to human rights records. In 1989, approximately 500 people "disappeared" and hundreds more were victims of extrajudicial executions. Peru's armed forces have military and political control of 67 of Peru's provinces, all of which have been declared "emergency zones," which allows the in those military to severely restrict civil regions. Thus the U.S Government declaration that financial aid will be given only to those countries with a clean record on the subject of human rights is pure rhetoric. As Diego Garcia Sayan, executive director of the Andean Commission of Jurists, expressed in an interview with Caretas 14, 1990) "There is great danger In a war that does not clearly distinguish its target, blurring drug dealers, coca growers, insurgency forces and political activists the same " into one In both Bolivia and Peru, the military and police are a continual menace to democracy and human rights. Peru in particular, has been targeted Voi5Nos3&4 27 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource U.S. Promotion of Militarization in the Andean Region Continues Unheeded (Andes) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title U.S. Promotion of Militarization in the Andean Region Continues Unheeded (Andes) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (27).pdf