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                    <text>BR AZIL

"Um Jeito de Ve-IQs:"• Old and New
Representations of Indian Peoples in Brazil
by G/lton Mendes
his brief :miclc does not seek to
trent " new set or informative.
facts on Indigenous peoples in
Brazil. nor even to undenake an
exhaustive onalys•s of unknown aspects
of the sodol hves of lndtgenous people.
Nor do I rep~nt the \'Otce and poh·
llcs of lndl3n people. I wish to problemati=e two ospects that I consider
tmpona.nt; one, the politiCil suatcgies
adopt.ed by lndtgenous orgamza&lt;ions to
confront the new challenges In contemporary Bm:il. the Other. • brief frame of
the actual economic rtalities by which
they are nffecttd.

T

Background
There ex1sts In llmzU. approximately
200 Indigenous peoples and e.1ch pre·

sents a set of p;lrtlculnrities with respect
to its customs. L1nguage, and sod&lt;&gt;-polit·
ical SIY\Icturcs. They vary In population;
The maJOrity are munericnlly small sod·
eties (almost :llwa)'$ COI\Sldered. indr.idually. to have been more populous m the
jXISI). reduced to a few hundred or at
times hardly • few doun pen;ons. The
at'C35 they inhabit v.ll')' m stu and. in
some cases. have already been officially
demarcated. The v.1SI majority, hov.-ever.
rem.1in barely deUneated and many more
hllve nOt even been identified or recognized by the federnl government. This
means that Indigenous peoples in Bmz\1
live In &lt;-onstnnt lnse&lt;-urity in relation to
one of the mOSt essential resources thllt
they h.we ahva)'$ possessed; the land!
Gillem MMdts is an agronomist in Mato
Grosso, Brazil. He has worked cxl&lt;nsivdy
"'lh tht Enaw&lt;nc·Nawc and rcantly
compltttd a two-month tnremsktp "itlt
SAIIC.

Indian peoples Inhabit cm;ronments
where they have nlwnys existed in singular ways. set!tng and interpreting the
world in wa)'$ that an: spectOc to each.
They have CS~abllshed a very intimate
and COntinuous re.lntion with their surroundin&amp;-. which lt'.1ds us (or should
lead us} to qutSitOn the rational.
dichotomous. ond genenc vision of
mankind ond ruuurc. d1:lrnctCnSIIC of
'Western
socoety•: on one side
humankind and itS lntereSIS, on the
o&lt;her. n&gt;~urc, stnUc, rt\'taling itself
through phenomena...
Indigenous peoples are seen and represented In a fom1 that is almost always
ne~ive, both in the elnbomtion of dis·
courses-which nre n1so pmclicc5-{l5 i_
n
people's consciousness. as a consequence of the fonner.
State policies ne.1rly alwnys fall with·
in 1he realm of '\,-etfare." envisioning
nati\'e communities as dependent on
their protection and intti:uives. From
this point of ,;ew. Indian people are seen
as in a proc:= or prog~ve lntegrauon
into nauonal socl&lt;:ty, components of a
claimed -unitary n.&gt;~ion." The chun:h
,.;s;on. like that of many non-gO\..,m·
mentol org.1nlzations (NG0s). is 001100
distom from this continuous provision of
welfare nnd protection. :ll'vays in a way
that fulfills its own interests.
All this would tend towards another
level of representnuon: the intemali%3tion of the national society~ cultuml values by native peoples theonsel\'f:S, often
taking on the role of the •prote&lt;:ted,"
subject to state politics and programs
and actions originating from civil and
religious enlillts. Yet ohis in no way
impltes thm lndlm peoples do not consider themseh·es tndl\iduals belonging
to a different society

New Strategies of Organization?
With completely different cultural
realities from nationnl society and with
low population numbtrs. Indigenous
peoples in Braztl nrc foct-d with huge
adversities in the realm of nnuonal poli·
tics. For this ICilSOn, thnt they ha'" COn·
mntly refonnulated tht fom\S of 1\lSistanee and stTllt•g•es to ,.,lonu thcor
rights. theor mtei'CSIS.. theor demands.
Here. 1t lS now l"lC«$531)' co mentton
the fight againSI the revision of Decree
22191. whi&lt;h reguloted the process of
demarmtion of lndtgenous nnd 01hcr
special lands. Presently. the stgnmg of
Decree 1.77!&gt; by president Fernando
Henrique C:trdoso has unleashed a new
national mobilization. 1
x:rhaps the
largest ever, of entities devoted to the
Indigenous c:ausc. This mobili:~'lion is
calling for the revocation of this Decree.
itself a fundamentally altered version of
its predecessor as far os the secunty of
lndian lmds are concerned. This SJtua·
tion shows a C3p;lCity for pohncal catal·
}-sis. including one wnh "mtcmanonal
effectS."
It is necessary to draw Bll&lt;ntlon to
one of the most relevant ospect.s of the
Bmzilian reality which Is the conduct of
many organizmions working In suppon
of Indigenous peoples. These, in general, have taken on the role of mobilization and dissennnatlon of lnfomlmion
on communities that are "dis.1dvantaged" in rdntion to the st:otc nnd distant
from the urixln eemers nnd the political
decisions. and those with limited contact 'vith national society. In many cases.
these organizations imegrotc themselves
thus creating a third coalition phase in
which lndig&lt;nous and non-lndtgcnous
combme for a Stngle cause Md l'tpresentation.

�BRAZIL

Til.. cthmc dwet:Suy of lndion peoples m Bmal hos pert.lps been one of
the mam fliClors for the generation of
reststancc •mn::tll\"e:S because it has produced a dm-ct r&lt;lauon of multiple loc:~l
forces c-•pable or mobalizlng, internally
and amcnsavcly as well, each panic-ular
socacty. On tho other t.lnd. it's also
1mponant to note th:l1 the new stnue·
gies adopted have been similar to those
used by the different social groups of
national socict)'· Stmtcgics that, often,
result m imcrnnl conOlcts and difficulues, and arc capable of clashing with
the more trndiuonal expressions or the
different natwc societies (sec Interview
with jacar J~ dc Souza).
A Brief layout of t he Economic

Relations
If cultuml dwersuy as reflected in
the search for new possibilities for
politacal organizauon of Indigenous
people. an the eonfrommion ngJ~inst the
interests of grou1&gt;s or pet:SOns belonging to national society, the ~me i.s true

leodmg Into the lntenor. supponed by
federal intthuvu (along with scandalous conupuon). ~ c-ut thi'O&lt;lgh
tens or thowands of males of Cores~ and
savanna. wathout the sllghltst prcocc-upauon for the dcstruC'lion they email.
both for native peoples :md,their environment. In the end, nntuml rcsour&lt;:es
have been WMted, p.1nlcularly timber.
and massive deforcstmlon hns followed
the installation of rum! induStries.
Many Indigenous groups. in the face
of this stampede, were removed from
trodiuonol orcas where natuml
resources abounded and relocated in
rcgaons completely unknown to lhem
or alrtady dmlncd of thc same

t

J

in the economic arena.

Each panacular society presents a
different history or economic rclotions
with surro1mding societies. At the same
time that some lndagcnous peoples ore
cng.~ged m antense rommcrti:ll tmde,
there are others tt.lt t.l'-c t.ld minimal
contact "vnh ttn)' m~ke:t. Bel''-'ttn these
two txucmes. there are those who arc
eng;Jged an scasoml commercial tmde.
Th.. decade of thc 1970s deeply
marked the h\·es of Indigenous people
an Bmztl m that. through the elaborauon of gigantic "development" projects
and an the "interest of national security."
the authorhminn state staked out a policy of occupying the Amazon . This
opened two bloody wounds: the violem
contact wnh peoples previously isolated. leading to partial or total e:xtemli·
nation. nnd the IrresiStible incentive for
milhons of persons to migrate \vith aim
to sculc the "terms in.1bitadns" of the

rcsouras. Thas t.ls resulted an untold
hardship, :IS evidenced by the high rate
of suicide tXJsttnt m groups like til..
Guamni-Kolowa
Mony other peoples continue to suffer the consequences or these largescale projectS (doms, umber extmction.
mines. roads, fnctories, fisheries. ngro·
industries, etc.) estnblishcd around or
even inside their territories. For many.
Lhe only option left open is sc&lt;lSOnal
labor outSide or their indigenous arc•.
selling their labor for ranches or in
regional markets ot derisory rates. or
migrntion to chaos. where they live in
conditions of extreme poveny.
Amazon.
Diverse ev:lluations made of the
~lundrtds of panacular undenakang.s m til.. Amazon t.lvc followed ond Indigenous Sllll3110n tn Brll%11 a.rc pracconnnue &lt;o follow the maJOr roads tically urommous an tt.lt these trends
Vol. 10 NO
-:-f

t.lve m.1de tlung.s much worse: destroying tmduion:tl forms o( production,
st.lrpcning "dependence· on outside
aid. and !coding to environmental collapse.
in thas context, today, perhaps more
then ever. the question of Indigenous
peoples' relation to the mnrkct (the
genemlion of income, the management
of natuml resources. nnd the mainte·
nancc or 311 imcgml. mtional, balanced
liJe in relation to the environment) ls
more complex 1han ever.
Contemporary Initiatives In the field
of the indigenous economy have followed the trend of ancreascd sm.~ll-scale
projects. Governmental programs (M
imposed by mtemotional finance
banks) ha,·e encoumge&lt;! undertakings
bclongmg LO the category of "SUS!ainable development" proJectS lndagenous
organizauons themselves and suppon
organizauons arc anell ned to favor economic activities tluu lncrcmcm production within l11digcnous areas: O&lt;'tivilies
Lhat seck to add value to products destined for specific markets; activities
centered around the rntionaliz:nion and
exploration or determined natural
resources for a greater p.•rtlcipation of
native communities In the production
and organlz.11ion of work for commerce.
The positive side or these decisions
cannot be dtnied. just os the results art
noL gnmdiosc and tmmedt3le. Time is
being bought to be able, more cle:arly
and dcodedl)\ 10 find CXI5lS tt.lt 3re
proper and "mdependcnt." On the
other t.lnd, one musl also lnquare if
Lhis doesn\ COOSltlUtC a new politiCOll
stmteg)• utilized by nationol society.
geared lO\\'llrds itS own CC'Onomic imcrcsts, aiming at the incorporation or new
markets. especially those held as "alternative."

In the end. one must Onnlly nsk, to
wt.lt extent these Initiatives constitme
de fa.ao something new, or are they
leading Indigenous people, once ag;Jin,
into "modern· and sophisticated
schemes of economic explouotion.

17

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                    <text>--------------------------------~~ N DIG EN 0 U ~
S~-~ O M E~
~~~~ N~~Q R_G A _N I~ I ~~
~~ ~c ~ Z~ N G

Absent Visions:
A Commentary on the
Women's Conference in Beijing
year more than 28.000 women

nication hampered the preparatory comi·

rom 185 countries met to auend

e Founh World Conference of
Women, from the 4th to the 15th of
September. in the city of Oeijing, China.
This conference was organized by the
United Nations in order to receive the
input of women from all parts of the
world to influence the Platform of Action,

nental meeting in Ecuador where some
150 women from 24 nationalities and
communities met to elabor.:~te their pro*
posals to be sent to Beijing. The meeting
took place later than planned, and as a
result the Indigenous women's' proposals
were not received in time to be submitted
in the final document or the Platform of

a document on womenS rights, which

Action.

U

was on the United Nations' agenda. The
limited preparation and panicipation or
Indigenous women in the conference is
due to many factors beyond the control
of the Delegation of Lmin American
Indigenous Women. Unfol1llll.1lcly, as
other sources have said, the organizational Structure and the agenda of the confer·
ence did not offer equal conditions of
participation to lndigenous women.
From the beginning. there was a lim·
ited Oow of information between

Indigenous and non-indigenous women.
The fonner had liule access to contacts.
infom1ation, and financial resources.
From the level of the United Nations to

the non-governmental organiuuions,
space was not granted them as organized
people. This was one of the biggest complaints that came out of the Meeting of
Indigenous Women of the First Nations
of Abya Yala, held from july 31 to August
4. l99.5. in Ecuador.
The location of the conference made
it hard for Indigenous women to attend.
Only 30 Indigenous women arrived, an
abysmal number (consider the number
of Indigenous nations in the Americas).
Getting funds to cover the ~'OSIS of the
Oight was a great difficult)&lt;Thus. in spite
of the huge interest they expressed to

aucnd this event. they were once again
not able to panake in decision making
processes that will affect their lives.
As stated above, the same financial
factors and lack of suppon and commuVol. 10 No. 1

ln spile of these lim_
itations. their pro·

posals were presented in writing to the
conference. Their document presented
the vision of Indigenous wonwn or Abya
Yala. emphtlsizing the challenges of selfdetennination and the survh'lll as a dis·
tinct peoples. Among others. the
Declaration of Indigenous Women in
lleijing put forward the following propos·
als and demands:
(1) Recognize and respect our right
to sclf-detemlinatton;
(2) Recognize and respect our right
to our territories and de.vclopm.em, e:du~
cation. and health;

(3) Slop h\tma.n rights violations and
all forms of violence against Indigenous

worn en.:
(4) Recognize and respect our cui·
tural and intellectual inheritance and
our right to control the biological di\oer·

sity in our territories;
(5) AsS&lt;tre the political panicipation
of Indigenous women and amplify their

er. emphasized the economic problems
that affect women, the globalization of

the economy, and international womenS
rights-terms and concepts that few

Indigenous women h..·we experienced
directly.
Another issue was the Indigenous
\~~men~ Delegations concern over the

agreement in Beijing that an investig.uion
·
occur on Indigenous knowledge of
health and management of naturol

resources. Indigenous women want to
take pan in the study and not only be its
objects. They recognize the nece.&lt;Sh)• of
their panicipation so that the study
include the Indigenous vision.
If one analyzes the theme of "human
rights· in the Beijing proposal. it

becomes clear that Indigenous women
envision these ' rights'

differently.

Indigenous women do nol see them·
selves as competing with men. They
have a more integral vision of them~
selves-not as individuals. but more as
pan of a community. In situations
where women work in the formal economy. the resulting rnemality is a competition belween women and men. for
most indigenous women, work is
something shared in a community. and
not a competition. Thus, the right of
equality between Indigenous men and

women is inseparable rrorn this systen'l

of production where the concept of
capabilities and their a&lt;:cess to rcsourc.;:s. . dualily predominates, meaning that
Essentially. the document stressed ma_ and worn.an complement each
n
Indigenous tcnitory as a key for the e.xis· other in what they think. do, and say.
Jndigcnous womenS lack or particitence of Indigenous peoples. it also
touched on intellectual propeny rights, pation was a significant weakness in
which the women felt should be respect· lleijing. It illustrates the necessity for us
ed. it also called for the ratification of to devise new smucgies so that our
International L.1bor Organization (ILO) vision can become an integral compocConvention 169 along \vlth other decla· nenl of lhe broader womenS mo\r
rations on the rights of Indigenous peo· ment. a presence to be recognized espe·
pies. The Plan of Action of the World dally during watershed encounters like
Conference of Women in Beijing. howev- the Beijing conference . ..,

13

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                    <text>E NVIRONMENT

Biobio River: Chilean Government Renews
Ralco Dam Concession
In the Spring 1995 issue of Abya Yala News we reported that END£$A. the largest private company
in Chile. is planning to construct six hydroelectric dams on the Biobio river In southem Chile. The first
of these. Pangue. is already 70% completed. ENDESA now says it will move ahead with construction
of the largest of the Biobfo dam. called Ralco. Ralco threatens to displace 700 people. including 400
Pehuenche Indians. Since our last article. the struggle to save Biobio and the lands of the Pehuenche
has been intense. Now. the Chilean state has broken down s barrier for the construction of Ralco.

n january 12, 1995. ENDESA
announced th:u d&lt;Sput OPJ'O"•
tion by &lt;-1titen groups nnd
lndigenollS people, membcl'&gt; of the
Chilean Cong~Y:SS, and ev.:n some gov·
crnmcnt agencies. the office of the
lnspe.:tor General of Chile had approved
the renewnl ofENOESA\ piOVISion:ll eoncession for surve)'ing In the Rolco area of
the Up1&gt;er Bioblo. The oppo5nion to the
~"""'1\1 had callSCd the normally auton&gt;~tic renewal pi'O&lt;less to be ddnyed for
neorl)' a year.
The groups opp(&gt;SM the renewnl
booiW&lt;' of the ncg.1tivc impact of the sur''cying work on the ecology of the Upper
Btobio nnd the Pehuenche lndtgenollS
c-ommunh1es who live in the ~u\."n. lt1lco
would be a 155 meter·hlgjl d.1m with a
3:100 hectare reservoir, which would
Oood over 70 km of the rh'Cr vrtlle)' and
displa(t': over 700 people. including 100
Pchuenche Indians. Environmental and
lndigenollS righ.s groups oppose the
project not only because ofthe Wide S(ll]e
destruction '' would cause, but also
because projections or Chtl~~ future
energy requitetl'lcms indi&lt;'att that the
energy It would produce will not be
need&lt;'&lt;!
ENDESA hos been continuously con·
ducting surveying activhies in the are:o,
despite the L'lC1 that tbctr ongm~l proVt·
soonal «&gt;ncesston exptn.'&lt;l m 1993. and
their activities have c;onsistcml)' been
camed om \Vttltout the collS&lt;'nt of the
land owners. The opPQ$ition groups

O

30

hold d.at while R:llcos impac.s ~~a_,-e not
been evsluated or appl'O\'ed by the

\\'el'C misled by ('fldesa Into selhng their
Lmds. Others have n:slsled actt\'cly, ask·
appropriAte government agencies. lngEndesa engineers I OV.Icate their com·
ENOESA should not be permiued to munili~ unmedi:u.ely 'Since It has not
conunue to bring dC$lructrvc clements to been pol'Sible to discuss things with
ENOESt\ , and due to the ossaultth:!t our
the R.•lco area.
Under Chilean Lnw (l.nw of Mopuche Pehuenehe people nre being
Protection, Suppon, ond Development of subjected to, we feel forced to take the
lndlg~nous Peopll:). the f'ehuenche
dccisron to ask them to lcn\'e Pchuenche
Indians :w not n.'&lt;jutred to lea"e their lCnitOr)'. Out of the commulllUCS o!
lands again.&lt;t their will nor to accept nny Quepttcn-Ralco, Palmucho, Quepuca,
reloauion package offered by ENDESA. Ralco-Li:poy.
l.epoy,
l.:t
Veta,
The Pehuenche h:!w made d&lt;nr their Cbenqucco..: (IV&lt;rMn (chtcfs) or
opposition to the R.~lco PR\icct and the Quepucn-R.1lco tond R;Jico l.epoy). 'II'
presenc.: of ENDESt\ repii!Semmi•·&lt;'S in
thetr temtory, but the «&gt;tlctSS!on \\ill Wntt rQ the Ptmdcnt Oulc. Ed11anlo Fr&lt;l
ennble ENDESA representanves to move mtd 10 rite diplonwtic rcpr!!smtatfl•ts of Chllc
through the Pehucnche Indians' temtory in your "''"' coun.try. &lt;Uki•g th&lt;m to r&lt;:ij&gt;(ct
agatnst their wish~
the righiS of lndogtrwu.&lt; l'toplt$ tn Chile In
Oppo5tuon to the gr.tmlng of the per- accordtmce •·.illt tltt Cltllean lndigcno.u
mit h:!s been widespl'l:&lt;ld. Onjanu.vy 19, Ptdpla I.D.- and lm&lt;nutfll)rtal Tr&lt;'&lt;ll~
a p~ conference was held to crillclze
the decision to l'Cncw tbec!n•m. A decla- lidU&lt;~rdo Frd, Prrsidcnt&lt; d&lt; Ia Rtl"lblfca do·
rolion \\':IS signed there b)' the major Olilc: Fox: -+S6-2·690·4020 or • 56·2-®0environmental groups and by youth ~329: ll!tp:ll"""'l""srdtnaa.cU; j/Jhn Biehl.
org.•mzatlons o{ the politlrol panle.s in Chll«tn Amba,&gt;&lt;U/Qr to tilt United Storts:
the &amp;0\'Cming C&lt;JQihlon &lt;&gt;f Chile. Also. Fax; 202-887-5579
the Chile.tn Bureau or Indian Alfatrs
(Corporation Nadonal de Oesarollo Ccmplltd from Corri&lt;ntcs, MW$/cllcr of the
lndl!;&lt;na- CON:AOI). re(&lt;'fltly =.ated to Bll#o Action Gn~Up (GABB), and 81oblo
impl~mcnt Ch ile~ new Indigenous
updmc. (transloucd by IR.'?· fo&gt;' More
Pt&lt;iples Lnw, intervened against ENDE- lnjonn&lt;Jtion, contatc Gro.po de Atdon por d

S,.\..

Bioblo, !!• II&lt;'Sto

The Pehuenche comm1.milies m the
path of Endcsali project have had to contend with a well-&lt;&gt;tt.hestrated cmnp.11gn
of mis-information and btibcl)\ Some

R;xcltw. Santwgo de Odie: Te/:+56-!2·737·
H20: Fa.r. •56-2-777-6'11-1. tmall·
gabb@hucl&lt;n.rcuna.d

l'l!ltO

I.Dgantguc l J2,

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                <text>ENDESA. the largest private company in Chile is planning to construct six hydroelectric dams on the Biobio river in southern Chile. ENDESA now says it will move ahead with construction of the largest of the Biobfo dam called Ralco. Ralco threatens to displace 700 people. including 400 Pehuenche Indians.</text>
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                    <text>--R I GHTS

HUMAN

Cocaleras Take to La Paz!
A 350-mile March to Demand Human Rights in Bolivia
bolll five hundred QuechuaAymara women organized a
350-mile march from the
Chap.1re (a coca (Erychroxylum coca)
producing area) to La Paz. Bolivias cap·
ita!. The women marchers entered the
capital on january 18, 1996, thirty days
after having left from the upper reaches
of the Amazon basin. Their main purpose was to demand that the Bolivian
governmenl of Presidem Sllnchez de
Lozada respect and enforce human
rights in their home region, since abus-

A

es against the women and their families.
also known as cocaleros. have increased
recently. It was the first time organized
1ndigeoous·peas.·ml women From lhe
coca areas marched to La Paz to discuss
coca-related policies that affect them
and their comm1.1nitics.

Coca: Spiritual, yet Demonized
Coca, the raw material for the production of cocaine, is a native crop to

the area. It was first made illegal by the
Vienna Convention of 1961. However,
due to strong Indigenous resistance

(coca holds ancient spiritual and cultur·
al value for the Indigenous peoples who
cultivate it), Bolivian officials agreed on
a depenalized status. Ritual consumption and cultivation or coca has been
allowed since that time by the Vienna
Convention of 1988. However, due to
the uncontrollable status of cocaine
exports and consumption abroad. gov-

ernments have demonized coca leaves.
condemning the product and pressing
for eradication. Surprisingly. here in the
US, the well known writer 'A~IIiam F.
Buckley Jr. recently reactivated the
debate over legalization or dntgs in the
jou.rrt.•l National Review. The fact is that
consumption or dntgs in general, and
not only or cocaine. has been steadily
rising in the US and Europe. A possible
answer, Buckley stresses. lies in legalization. (William F. Buckley Jr.• "The War
Vol. 10 No.1

on Drugs is Lost" National Review, Vol

XLVIU No.2, February 12. 1996: 34-48).

War on Drugs or People?
In the same way that the War on
Drugs is perceived by policy makers as
a failure, above all in the US, Indigenous
peasants are not convinced by the long
line of ~hemtuives to coca cultivation.
Chapare Indigenous peas.•nts indirectly
answer to foreign demand-the "consumption side," in rhe US and Europe.
whic-h is almost never discussed. From
the point or view of states, coca harvests
must be condemned as the main

regarding the implementation or alternative development projects in the area.
The Women'S Cocalera March
received massive suppon from: the pub·
lie. A)o11ara leader Cristina M:\rquez.
who represented the COS (Bolivian
Workers Union) during the march. said
the "women are clearly struggling
against the neoliberal model" led by
President Sanchez. Ximena lturralde
and Lidia Katari, first L"ld)' and vice
President CArdenas' wife. respo::ctively,
agreed tO analyze the demands of the
cocaleras in order to better understand
their situation.

providers of raw material for cocaine

UMOPAR: Spreading Terror in the
Coca Regions
US embassy in La Paz has cominuall)'
processed outside their domains. The

pressured the Bolivian govemment for
complete eradication or coca fields.
However, there has been a general fail·
ure to demonstrate the economic viabil·
ity or altemative development projectS,
or alternative agriculture. Ox:altros are
trapped in a never-ending profit cycle

A sharp condemnation or UMOPAR,
a specialized anti-dn•g anned "nit. was
voiced by Quechua leader Silvia
1.azarte. "For us [cocalerasl there is no
life,justice. peace nor tranquillity in the
coca fields... we continue to suffer sys·

based on coca harvests that continue to

about this. • she stated. This coincides
with a recent Human Rights Wacch
Americas report which analyzes the
human impacts of the War on Dmgs:
"The resources possessed by Bolivian

tematic abuses.

v~l
e

want you to think

guarantee their income. and thus their
survival.
As part or the march. the cocaleras
clearly addressed the fact that crimina.lization or coca has spelled disaster for antinarcotics forces are too few: too few
the Indigenous peasants of Chapar:e. men too poorly equipped are being
The state militarized the area. which asked. on the one hand, to battle wellthey denounced as a violation of their entrenched drug traffickers funded by
human rights. In addition. the women immense profits. On the other hand,
ma.rchers demanded the cessation or they are being asked to control the
eradication of coca fields. compensation thousa.n ds or poor po::ople who labor at
for Indigenous po::asants who were killed the lowest end of the drug production
or have been physically disabled due to pyramid ... This law enforcement effon.
police bnuality in the area, government moreover. is conducted in the absence
support for initiatives seeking viable of institutions and traditions that hold
altematlvc development, lcg.1.l protec- public agents accountable for their own
tion for union leaders who represent

adherence to laws protecting civilians

Indigenous peasants in the coca areas,

from abuse." (July 1995. Vol. 7. No.8.
page 38). ~

the decriminalization and commercial·

ization of coca leaf nationally and internationally~ and government account·
ability for agreements signed in 1994

(Compiled with information from the
&amp;&gt;livian National Newspaper; Presencia)
31

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                <text>Five hundred Quechua Aymara women march 350 miles to La Paz, Bolivia to demand that Bolivian president, President Sllnchez, enforce human rights  in their home region.</text>
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                    <text>JOURNA OF 1HE SouTH AND

MESO ~ INDIAN
RIGHTsFENTER (SAIIC)
VOLUME

10,

NUMBER

11

SPRING

1996

PRICE

Orn@JB

PEOPlES OF

$4.00

�</text>
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                    <text>ANNO U NCEM E NTS

AND

A DS

Cultural Survival Canada:
Research, Education, and Advocacy in Biocolonial Times

A

round (he world, Indigenous peoples nrc the care·
tnkcrs of sacred knowledge nbom the unity of all livIng things and life processes. from genes. micro·
orgamsms and spectcs, to human societies nnd the ecosystems m which wt hve. These gtfts of the Cre01or h:t\'C
enabled our peoples tO survive ftve centuries of colonialism

and to continue to nurture an cxtmordinary diversity and
richness of life. even within our much dlm&gt;mshed land
bGsc. Our sacred rclauonship with MO(htr Eanh &gt;S also '""I
for humanity as a wholt as the world seeks w3)'S to rebal-

mals. and genetic motorial from bo
ocllvcrsity roch regions,
nnd of the associated knowledge-systems of indigenous
peoples. Whether the Convention becomes a mechanism
for protecung lndogenous peoples' nghts or a tool for
cntrendnng b&gt;ocolontallsm will depend to a large exlent on
the negotlattons set tO bcgon in November in Buenos Aires
where the Conference of the Parties to the CBD finttlly has
Indigenous peoples' nghts on agenda

For more anjormm1on, pleast comact;

ance humnn need!io wnh respect for the environrncnt.
'fodny, however, the gifts of the Creator art under siege Cultw·al Sunlval Canada, lntmuttional Qlordinathog Ojffu.
b)' corporotions and go''tmmcnts attempting to make hfe lndig&lt;noou Proples' Biodi\Wily Ntl\,ork GPBN) 30-f-200 15ab&lt;l/a
itself anO(htr form of plivate propeny. This new wave of Strut. Ottawa. ON. Canada. KIS /Vl Phone 6JJ.2J7-S36J:
colonmhsm seeks to open one "lnst fronucr· for ccononuc FDX: 613-2J7-IS47: Emaol cse@wcb.apc.arg
globahzation: the expropriation of our knowledge and the

privatlzn.tion of sacred plants. nnlmnls and our own genes.
CulturJI Survivol Canad3 (CSC) ban autonomous charuable org3nization supponmg Indigenous peoples· struggles for self-determmntion and territorial integrity. In the
face of this new wnvc of colonialism. we ore engaged in
rcscarth, public educ:nion and oclvo.:acy around Issues of
biotechnology. intellectual propeny rights. and other
aspects of the intcmnuonaltrode tn genes and Indigenous
knowledge. CS Canada also sup pons advocacy and capaC&gt;·
ty·bUJiding initiatives aimed m strcngthemng Indigenous
peoples' ability to Intervene tn tmernauonal fora where
polocoes on biocoloniallsm are bcmg shaped

Biodive rsity and Human Rights
CSC b worklng closely with Indigenous peoples' o~a­
nizatlons around the Founh lntcrn.1uonal Techntcal
Conference on Plant Genctk: Resources of the Food ond
Agriculture OrgamtntH)Il (FAO) {l.iepzig. Germony. J une
1996). the FAO's Food Security Summit (November J 996,
Rome). UNESCO's lmemationnl Bia&lt;thics Committee and,
eriticall). the next meeting of the signatories to the
Convcnuon on Blologocal Diver,,ty {CBD) (('lo,·cmbcr
1996, Buenos Aires).
The CBD is a binding inte~overnmental agreement rot·
ified by 138 states, including the majority of states In South
and Meso AmeriCil While the Convention dots include
some recognition of the rights C)( lndigenou• lleoples over

our knowledge and innovations. private and public inter·
ests '" the North are clearly poosccl to usc the Convcnuon
as. fromework for exp.•nded privmization or plants, ani·

38

lit

~
r.

lit

BuF~
COM
..
.. -~
..:

N ew n-o m t. U.Uurnl
"

on biological dlvcNJIIy
Bu ffalo Commons dclbut:s

Write to CS Caned a.

t:mall: ~veb . apc.ol'l(.

�</text>
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                <text>The gifts or the Creator, which many indigenous groups admire are endanger in today's society.  These gifts have enabled indigenous peoples to survive five centuries of colonialism and to continue to nurture an extraordinary diversity and richness of life. But today the gifts of the Creator are under siege by corporations and governments attempting to make life itself another form of private property.</text>
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                    <text>B RAZ I L

Decree 177S:An Attack on
Indian Lands in Brazil
"Decree 1775 is more than a setback: it's a death sentence for many Indigenous groups . .._
GOlAB (Council of Indigenous Peoples and Organizations of Brazil)
ndigenous organizations tmd their
allies initialed a major c~mp~ign of
resistance ofler Brn&lt;illan President
Fernando Henrique Cardoso signed
Dtaee 1775, responsible for t"" demarc:nion of lnd1a.n lands. on j~nuary &amp;h.
1996. As the cherished baby of Minister
of justice Nelson jobim, Decree 1775
oiTers a 90-dly ptriod for "Slates and

I

mumdpaliuu containing the :uea to be

demarcated, and Ol""r inter61ed panies"
to exercise the ctmmu!irorio, or legally
comes1 the process. Addiuonlllly. it sub·
jects 344 of the 554 Indian Areas in

'""Y

Brazil to rtVISion btcause
ha\"e )'CliO
be entered into'"" country$ official land
registry. Armed with such legal backing.
contenders of indian lands have already
staned invading and stak1ng their claims
ms1de !nd1genous 1erri1ones. Indigenous
organi.a110ns and NGOs m BrutI. tn sol·
idarity with interna&lt;ional forces, are
worki.ng 10 pressure the Brazil ion state to
revoke the new decree.

What's Wrong with Decree 17751
indigenous forces and mdigenist
NGOs have been unanimous in their
protest of the new decree. After the passIng of Decree 22/91, which tn fact
allowed for the demarcation o( se--eral
Indigenous Arc3.S, many Indigenous
nations fought espteially hord 10 demarcate their land. The Macuxl in Raposa
Serra do Sol, for example, ha,·e been
lroding an tntemallonol campaign for
demarcaoon. to S«Ure thm territory
18

from gold miners and ranchers (see ano- equtpptd 10 deal with the eminent
clc page 2()). Now, with Decree 1775. onslaught of legal claims against
those eiTons appeor 10 have been m vain. Indigenous areas.
Indigenous organi&lt;ations point out
In addition. CAPOIB claims that
that one of the major problcms "ith ~ 1775 will cr&lt;att an "IndUStry of
Decree 1775 IS 1hat it was dev!S&lt;d in indemmues: since It c:tlls lor the comabsence of open debate. Mony ptnsatlon of panics cl1tmmg a loss of
Indigenous and indlgenist enuues had land due 10 demarcation, with titles to
requested meetings 10 discuss the show for it. All cblms ollndenmity made
imi&gt;•cts of the decree. CAPOIB, an on lndlgti\OUSareasnot )'&lt;I r(81Sitred are
indtg&lt;nous umbrdla organizauon based ''tlhd. The agnbustness compan)'
m Brnsilia acttvc m the fight agatnst Colon1z.1dorn. Terranont Ltda. altead)'
Decree 1775. point$ ou11ha1 on August solicited comptnsation for lands belong15th, 199.5. Presirlr.n1 Cardoso assured ing to the Enawene-Nawc Indigenous
:trea in MAt()
Grosso s1a1e; •
sum to the 1une
or 7.6 milhon
Brazilian
real$
(US$7.9 million).
In Pam stalt
them that he would not 1113ke any d«i· alone, the summed tndemmties for all
SIOn wuhout discussing the mauer m romes1ed lnd•geriOUS ""'"' would reach
detail with Indigenous organizations. approximately US$1.4 billion.
Even after the signing of Decree 1775,
Indigenous voices say Decree 1775
MtmSier jobim was quoted as saying. "nsks the lives of lndtgenous ptople, •
refemng lo B111Zi\13n NGOs ltodmg the and add IMI im-as;oriS and '"" proliftra·
tnlernalional Cllmpatgn against the lion of d~SaSCS in mdlgenous are.u will
decree. "These groups are no1 tnterested increast Rtttnl news lront Braztl prove
in solving the mdigcnous problem. They this aMlysis 10 be comet. According 10
are interested In creating problems and confirmed and unconfirmed reports.
we 'viii ha"e no dialogue "''h those who in,'lSions are presently occurring in a
cause problems" (follta ik54D Paulo, Feb. host o! h\digenous areas, including Barto
de Antonina (Kaingang). the Mundurucd
6).
In a clever fnshton, Decree 1775 area In Amazonas. R10 Guamd (Tembt) In
effwivcly paralyzes land demarca11on by Par.\, Panmnbizn1hno ond Sete Cerros
subjecth)g the process to the inter· (Guarnni-Kaiowa). both In Malo Grosso.
mtnable bureaucracy of legal eoun bat· Coroa Vermelha (Pat3X6) in Bahia, Surul
ties 0\'tr bnd FUNAI (National Indian and the area o( the Uru-Eu-Wau-Wau in
Foundation). whtch h3.S historical!)' Rondonhla. Other threatened •~ con·
locked anthropologists and Ja,V)crs. "111 tested by the government and the mtllbe responsible for ~arrying out required tary for their "strategic value· are Kricatl
legal, geographical. and ethnographic (Marn.nhM). Bau (Pnr.t), Mar.\iuapsede
work prior 10 an)' deman:ation or as part (Mato Grosso), ond Rapos:.1 Serra do Sol
of any revision FUNAI. hO\\'e\'er, IS til· near the border with Guyana.
Abya Yala News

�B RAZ I L

Indigenous Peoples and NGOs
According to jobmt, the new decree
abides hy the constitution (section 55 of React
article 5) because it guamntces a thi(d
A well articulated number of forces,
party the right to contest a judicial from Indigenous organizations :1nd
process through the conrradlrorio. a NGOs an Brnzilto human right.s. environ'bost&lt; tltment of democracy•, says mcnt, church groups, and t\'Cn SOm&lt;o
jobam. He also argues thot the court govcmmmts around the world fomted an
C25CS agaanst Decree 22191 Slalled an the
response to the re,•ersal of pohcy on
Fedeml Supreme Court w1ll no longer Indigenous lands in Brazil. Samteg1es for
have a base now thai the new decree revoking the decree have varied, hut the
con~nins this clause: otherwise, all the
mn;ority center on directly prcssuring the
areas demarcated under decree 2219 I 6nu11ian stnte through leuers, the press.
could ha"e been declared unconstitu- faxes, and other similar ntcans.
tlon•l. For jobim, the Bnuallan gO\'&lt;:rnintereSIIng. too. has been the route
mcnt's •mage will imp!O\-e because they taken by CAPOIS-representing more
~~o,.., ftxed a legal · error· th~t "ill final- than
100 Indigenous groups 1n
ly put a stop to the endle.&lt;S demarcauon Bmztl-wluch sent a letter to the World
procedures.
&amp;nk and the nmbas..&lt;adors of the G-7
However. one of the strongest orgu- coum rl~s ond the European Union
merns asainst the new decree, and one requesting the "temporary suspension or
~dopted by a number of leftist politicru
resources dCSiined for projecu which
ludcrs 1n Brazil, is that h goes :lg.1inst ha,·c among other priorities the demareathe sparit of the Brazil ~an constitution. tion of lndi~nous lands. such os Projelto
The Brazilian constnuuon st3!rs that, Terras lndlgtnas. Planaforo, and
wnh reg.1rds to tradition3l Indian lands. Prodeagro." Since those funds would hke·
111$lhe duty of the "Umon to dcmnrcate ly fall prey 10 the legal quagm1re winch
them. pro·
teet

lhtm,

.m&lt;I nssure

counts amongst us members most of 1he

we11 known US environmental and pro·
Indigenous

o rganizations

such

as

National
Wildli(e Fedcmtlon.
Environmental Defense Fund. Saerrn
Club. International Rivers Network, Ratn
Forest ACtion Network, Amanalcaa, and
SAIIC. The CoalitiOn plans to support the
efforts of Broztli•n ind1genous ~nd
human rights org.onizations and will ells·
cuss funding de\'elopment i&gt;rojects
linked to Indigenous areas in Brull "~th
multinational agencies.
Decree 1775 mUSI be \iewed "ithin
the lnrgu conltxt of the long 1em1 plans
held by a consonium of gO\-rmmental
and pm'!ltt intereSI$ to develop large
areas of the Amnzon bosin and other nnt·

Art 9 " Nou ckM.-t'QQOics rm cun.o. C\.90 4ecftto bornolopa6tfo o.10 lCTIU ridG objftC) dO ~tuO
en;a an4tlo 4rnof:llltjrio ou ~ Soc•noria do Patrimc)nlo ct. IJnliO 4o Mml.dtelo u.m f'nA'Od.it- o. locc~ 1 , ..,
ot.On•fc:.LUooM, oo. •........._do f .. cto .,. t'". 110 ~ • ~ ....._
• da.'-- 4.a pue,u ;• .s-. ~o.

the respeCt
of oll of thm resources." Mony atgue
that tht new Decree prt\'Cnts thiS basic
duty from being fulfilled.
"II fnghtens us to ,.,. that the go\'crnmenl intends lO revnaUz.e, wnh 1hc
new decree. titles to land tim the consthmion regards as 'null and void,' since
they were created centuries ago when
the land was clearly Indigenous: says
Congressman
:olilmarto
Miranda
(I'TCS1dcnt of the Comm111ce for Human
Raghts of rhe Chamber of Depuues).
Jobam 1S wasting no ume tn implementing Decree 1775. Soon after the
J~1sslng or the decree, he scm lc!!ers to
S&lt;:\'cral go,·ernors primarily in the
Amoton reg1on listing (or them the areas
10 bt revised in their n:speeti\"t Sl3tts.
For tXllmple. In a leuer to the go\'crnor
or ParA state dated the lith or January,
he liSied 14 lndtgenous are.'\5 up for
revision. mcluding two whose combined arc~ is only 58 hect~res.

Vol. 10 No.1

Pany and a strongly worded protest leuer
signed by 80 environmental and human
rights groups scm to President C.rdO!IO
from the Coaliuon in Suppon of
Amazonian Ptoples and Theu
Emironmcnt. • coordinating body b.1sed
in Washmgton DC. The leuer exhorts
him to r.-'0~ the Decree. The Coahuon

promlSCS to ensue from the 1'(\'1$1011 or
do:ens of exiotmg Indigenous a!t3$ The
CAPOIB documem claims th.1t "SJn&lt;:e it
took office over a )'&lt;Or ago. the g&lt;)\'emmcnt or Fernando Hennquc C.rdi&gt;SO has
been 1&gt;1111ing In place a delibenue policy
or reducuon of indigenous tcrrilorks.•
Indigenous organizations are also
calling for the cancelation of Gcrm:m
funds (S22 million) don:ued to Brazil
aftrr tht 1992 Earth Summit for the protcetaon of tropical ramforests (P1Iot
Progmm lor the Pro&lt;e&lt;:uon of Trop1cal
R.1inforests). Pan of that effort included
funds spcciOcally destined for the demar·
cmlon ' of Indian Areas. Indigenous
groups pomt out that Decree 1775 does
not comply \\1th the objecti\'.S or thc
grant and they fear that some of lhc fund·
ing from Gcrmany could be dl\'t!rted to
the te\'151011 of CXtsting areas.
Other major efforts agamst the decree
include '' motion of unconstilutlonalily
put forward by the Brnzllinn Workers

ural :1rcas. M wuh thr m3mmoth
Hid!0\13 proJ«t (see page 28). and progressi"&lt;l)• mtegr:ue lhc entire reg10n mto
the nauorml and mlernational econom1c
system. In deOancc of the lnttmatlonnl
Decade or Indigenous Peoples declared
by the United Nations in 1993. the new
decree sets down the foundations for a
future of large scale de\'t.lopment ummpeded by Indigenous groups stllking
claims to thttr ttaditlonal lands and
resources. ...,

You can support rhe rfforts of Indigenous !&gt;«&gt;plrs
Bra~il b.)' s&lt;ndlng. Ja.&lt;!ng. or· ematllng .)'0&lt;"
lmers of procat 11&gt; the jolluwir.g add,.'$$1$.
in

Frmaru!D Htnrlqut Cardoso. I'Tdldttll of 1M
Rtpubltt. Pal&lt;ldo do PlaJ:G.ho, Brwtlia • DF •
70. 160-900. Fax; SS-61-226-i$66. tnuld:

pr@cr·df.rnp.br; Nd$0n )obim, Mintsfcr

cJ

)usll&lt;e, ~!$planada dos Mmisrerios·Bioco T.
Bra.&lt;ilia • OF • 70.06-1-900, Fax: 55·61 ·22•1·
2448, errwll: l\)oblm@ax.ap&lt;.org

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                    <text>ED I TORIAL

n light of the recent Fourth Womcns World Confere1tcc In Beijing. and the intemational aucntioll thnt is l&gt;ei11g
focused on womcns issues, we dedicate this Issue to Indigenous women. in the context of the Beijing conference nnd
the International Decade or Indigenous Peoples cclebnlled by the Umted Nations. Indigenous women rOISC the or VOIC·
es froon oil nauons. peoples. org.&gt;.nizations. n11d communities 3nd call for the respect or Mother Ennh. hfe. territory. S&lt;!lfdetermonation, and communal intellectual rights Through th1s calling. lndig,enous women also seek to gather forces for
a better conscrvouon of Indigenous philosoph}~ the ethical, ~helle. and spiritual values contained In the \'lSton of our
3nastors. Women. ~long with giving binh to the new geocrauons, are the guardians and thoS&lt;! responstblc for tmnsmittlng. devclopmg, nnd protecting the ,,.lues whtch ldcnufy us as peoples. This is why womtn have pb}'l:d such an
tmponam role In histoncal struggles for life, although tl\,1l role is utmost never acknowledged.

I

In the llet)mg conference, despite the lomued a=ss for our vooees, we lndogenous wom&lt;n mode n dcclnmtlolltO the
mternmional community in which we e.'pressed our opposulon to all forms of social injusttce. and •11 types of violence
and discrunm:UJon which aJTect our communhies. \\)t denounced the re-colonization and the thre:n to Lhe ccologicol
equilibrium in our communities, which under the name or glob31iuuon. creates conditions for wenlthy n"tions to once
a~,tnin 1m•nde our territories to exploit the resources that, thus fnr. we have managed to prese"·c. We spoke out against
accords ond entuies such as GATT and the World Tmde o ,·gnnizntion {WTO), which help create the Instruments for the
approprlntion nnd privntlzmion of our communal lntcllecwal J
&gt;fOJl&lt;ny. We denounc-ed the "pirating• of ancestrnl
resources by tmnsnnuonol companies in this age of ·ncolibcrahsm." Under such models. our value.• ond comnmnal
exchange practices wllll&gt;&lt;.&gt;come a thJng of the past, substottued w'llh the greed required by the rules of the free Market.
We are cvcu witnessing the appropriation of our genetic inhcrit:tnce, under the name of the Human Genome Oovershy
Project In the mean ume. our rivers, the oir we bre.uhc. ;~nd the lond we live on are continuously fouled, leading to the
slow death o( out Mother Eanh.
In the: cffon to sustmn our families. we ha&gt;-e had to tncorponue non·lndigtnOUS ways. but we strive to ~m:un in
harmon}' wtth the em1ronmem. We choose ~onsclously to sllmubte those economiC octi\Ottts that strengthen our peoples. underst&gt;nding that out communities depend mainly on lr.ldluonol systems of productiOn like fishing. hunung. famtl)•agnc-uhure, ond small cnfts enterprises.
The moventcnt of Indigenous \\'Omen toda)' confronLS all $OilS of senous threatS as it places itself in the path of powerful nnd d~ructivc forces. It is uti:ent, considcnng the cttrrent sttualion. to develop better methods of communtcation
between Indigenous women so as to cwrdinatc effective action.&lt; in the defense of our peoplts. Along with this, our double. vital role ns reproducers and preservers of our people must be strengthened. Faced 'vith this histolical, trnnscen·
dcmal nliSSIOn. we shou1d seek inspirnlion and wisdom m our ancestors ror our journey to the ncx1 millennium. \Ve
should look for strength, coumge, and detennination m the future, which is the future of our communities. organiza·
tlons, and our peoples. and their right to exist in dignity.
In this issue, In which Indigenous and non-Indigenous women have conrributed anicles, we explore the \\'O}'S that
Indigenous women have participated in the broader Indian movemcnLS in Latin America. the spcctnc org.1n1Zntions and
programs that h:ove focused on women:S needs and activities. and. by means of interviews. the pomt of view of notive
women thc:mseJ,-es; how they envision their role on n.111\·e and notional society, and the hardships they must endure when
they try ond change those roles.
SAIIC ll«vd of OtrectoTS

Vol. 10 No.1

-3

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                <text>In light of the recent Fourth Women's World Conference In Beijing and the international attention that is focussed on women's issues this issue of Abyayala News focuses on women's issues that specifically concern indigenous women.</text>
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IH OIGEHOUS

W O M EH

0RG A H IZIHG

Empowering Native Women:
New Initiatives to Reclaim Indigenous
Women's Status in Central America
Paying attention to women's roles as managers of territories and transmitters of cultural identity,
we locus on two regions of Central America where small-scale Indigenous women's initiatives
are encountering success at re-inserting women as dynamic members of their societies.
By Laura Hobson Herlihy
ndig~nous women's involvement
with conservation. development,
nnd human rights Ol'S"niz~tions h&lt;1S
given them new political and econom·
ic power in the Honduran Mosquh•~
nnd an P:anama. Conser.'lluon dfons
h•'• almost always focused on men\
role In &lt;eonomic actnitits and thcar
usc or naturnl resources. Howe"er.
foeusong 3llCntion on the amponant
role or women as managers or commu·
nlty territories nnd transminers of Inn·
guage and cultural Identity pro,•i&lt;les
ghmpscs of the emerging empowerment process that many lnchgenous
women are presentlr experiencing In
C.ntml Americo. In this onicle I pre·
Sl'nt the case of the Masklto •nd A r~e and and re-valoriuuon of lnd.genoos womal's SUIIJJS is poosible
Tawahko of Mosquitia and the Kuna, IIYOUSh their &lt;1Ml QI9MIZObOO and i~ With conscvauon. ~
Embent, and Ngobe-Bugle Guayml an conservation, ~- and tunon lights (l(S«liZ&amp;ions.
PanatJU\.
Kamokasna,
and
Wasporasnl. muJti-colored, b.1gs with • long shoul·
Krausirpe. the biggest "lloge. has a der strop. A few ytars l~ter, MOPAWI
population of about 400. Because (ew (Mosqultln Pawls,'\), a non-profit develMajao: A Women's Market in
lndigcnous women In Mosquhia Slill opment agency In Honduras, took over
Moskitla
weave bags made from rainforest FITH's bag-making project and incor·

I

The Tawahka Sumu (population plants, I was surprised to ftnd Tawahka
700) live nlong the upper l'l.-aches of women weaving b;tg$ made from the
the Rio Patuca in the Hondumn maJaO (Heliocarpus Ooneii-Smlthh) ·
Mosqultla. Hagh atop cleared n,·er tree.
The women expWncd thot FITH
b.lnh, houses cluster to form the ~I·
lngts of Krausirpe, Krautara, Yopuwas, (Fede~6n lndlgena Tawahka de
Honduras&gt;-• legally rccogmzed
laura 11obson Herlihy is a Ph.D. student lndagenous federation tlmt represents
In sodo·culturol anthropoiOjp• at tlat the Tawahka people-tnltlat&lt;d a local
Unlver:&lt;fty of Kansas. Sla&lt; has worked market in the late 1980s to l)urthase
with various Indigenous gr·oups fn their woven majao b:1 In order to be
gs.
llondums, an the Rio Platm1o Biospherr marketed in Tcgucignlp" as "book
lks.!IVt of the Honduran Mosquifla, and
b.,gs· or "purses." FITH representatives
tn Panama.
requested thot women w;:av.: smaller,
14

pomted It Into their "Formaci6n de Ia
Mujcr· pr0f111m. which has helped
ampi'O\e women$ soctoeconomac status
in Mosquaua by pro\&lt;ldang them w11h
local aash-eammg opponunitaes.
Markeung woven majao b.lgs is a posa·
uve element m Tawnhka Sumu soci&lt;t)'·
Bag manufncturing Is not honnful to
the rainforeSt envamnmcnt and it pro·
vidcs a mechanism through which
women pass down traditional knowl·
edge to their daughters while, at the
same tfme, providing Income for thetr
households. In the process, the

�------------------------~ N_D ,I G E N 0 U S
~~ ~
won1ens majao bags have become one
of the recognizable symbols of their
broader struggle for their own identity
and cultural survival.

Rio Platano Biosphere Reserve
Just nonh and contiguous to the
Tawahka zone is the Rio Platano

Biosphere Reserve. It was established
under the United Nations Man and the
Biosphere Program in 1980 to protect
the natural and cultural heritage of this
special part of Honduras. The Misldto.
the largest Indigenous group in the
reserve, lived in 19 villages with a pop·
talation of 4,500.
In Kuri, a small Miskito village
(population 122) on the Caribbean
coast~ Indigenous-held territories within the biosphere are passed down

through the female line. Sisters built
their homes around their motherS

patio and reared their children together as one greater family. \Vomen inherited both coastal village and rainforest
territories rrom their mother. known as
Mama Almuh or Kulw. the powerrul

grandmother figure, village elder, and
head of the maniloca.l group.
Miskito men lived away from the
coastal villages for long periods of time.
earning cash off-shore while divtng for
lobsters and doing subsistence agricultural work up-river while Jiving on
their wives' rain(orcst territories. \~lith

the men gone. women passed down
Miskito language and culture to their
children m matrilocal residential
groups. teaching them traditional kinship terms and women's activities.

Indigenous Women's Congress
in Panama
Farther down the isthmus, in a
broader and unprecedented way.
Indigenous women in Panama recently
organized an annual. national-level
congress called "Mujer Incligena de
Panamoi" with the help or non-governmental development organizations
(NGOs). including UNICEF-Panama.
the United Nations, and the Centro de

VOiTo No. 1

W

0

MEN

ORGANIZING

Estudios y Acci6n Social Panamc1\0
(CEASPA). I auended the first
Indigenous women's' congress in 1993.
Nearly I 00 Kuna. Emberil, and NgobeBug.le Gu:.t)'mi women met over a
weekend to discuss their common
problems and goals in this Central
Arnerican cou.mry. First, the participants analyzed the political, legal,
social, economic, and cuhurnl involvement of Indigenous women in Panama.
Next. they analyzed the histOry and
status or women in each culture group.
The objectives of the meeting were to
promote the participation of \verar&lt;l
(EmberA woman). merv (Guaymi
woman). and

ome (Kuna woman) as

one force. ~nd to formulate proposi·
tions to be included in the "Plan
Nacional de Ia Mujer: At tbe end of the
three day meeting, the Kuna, Guaymi.
and Ember;\ leaders proposed that the
"Plan" should include. among other
programs, education, health care, land
titling. and work opponumues
(including the marketing of ans and
crafts) for all Indigenous people in

A ~mq Nmuk 0&lt; Kvk8, U1e
grandmother figute and village

that legislators enforce lhe demarc.11ion
of the already existing Kuna and
Emberil Comarca boundaries and for
the removal of newly seuled colonis-ts
within their limits. Newspaper
Panam.:l.
reponers recorded the event and these
Beyond this, some Indigenous demMds in the national press. That the
women in Panam&lt;\ also hold loall and govemmem did not respond to all of
regional political offices. Cella Mezua. them did not diminish the significance
President of the EmberA "Congrcso of this event. For the first time in
General." holds one of the most power- PanamaS histor)•. Indigenous women,
ful indigenous political positions in the coming from different cultural identicountry. As Presidem of the Congreso. ties. ~cted together in unified opposiMezua presides over a council of lead- tion to the national government. ~1ezua
ers who make important cultural. and the other Indigenous women leadpolitical. and economic decisions con· ers cominuc to pressure the governceming the Ember~. The daughter of a ment concerning their tenitorial and
forn1er cacique (chieO. Mezua graduat- human rights. The Indigenous women~
ed from the national universit)~ became congress meets annually to discuss
a local leader. and was then elected to these and related issues.
regional leadership positions.
Indigenous wornen in P~nanla and
During the first Indigenous Honduras are aware of the 1mpacts
womenS meeting in Pcm~ma. Mezua colonialism. incl\tding "Modenlization..
called out for justice and decried the and .. VVestemizmion,. which have his·
governments taking of a Ngobe torically subordinated them. Their
Guaymi mans life, and for their use of organized resurgence and self-valorizatear gas against pregnant Indigenous tion. as well as their involvcn1cm with
women who had recently demonstrat- territorial conservation, their own defied in Panama City. She also called for nition or "'development ... and collecti\r
e
the national legislature to approve the human rights. are hopeful signs that
l. w recognizing the Guaymi Coma:r~a they will ensure a fmure for their larga
homeland. likewise, she demanded er societies for years to come. ~
15

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                <text>It is important to pay attention to women's roles as managers of territories and transmitters of cultural identity,Focusing  on two regions of Central America where small-scale Indigenous women's initiatives&#13;
are encountering success at re-inserting women as dynamic members of their societies.</text>
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                    <text>B RAZIL

Fighting for a Macuxi Homeland
Macuxi leader Jacir Jose de Souza is a well known Indigenous activist from the Raposa Serra do Sol
Indian area. Brazil. After 25 grueling years of work, this area has yet to be demarcated and has been
the site of numerous killings and human rights violations (see Noticias de Abya Yala. Vol. 9 No. 1),
Now. the revocation of Decree 22191 puts a cloud over the prospects of official demarcation. In this
interview. not yet knowing the outcome of the revision of Decree 22/91. Jacir confides in SAIIC the
hardships faced by the Macuxi people and the often conflicting process of organization and representation that occurs in a common struggle.

f~~ .w~ Jacir Jose De Souza
Why and bow d. d you st.~rt fighting for
i
the Macu.'&lt;i people?
'm from the mal0«1 (village) of
Mamruca, in the Stllte of R
oraima,
Brazil. Our land had been invaded,
but the ruxaua (chieO of our Maloca wasn\ responding. On April 27. 1987. we
had a meeting and I was chosen to lead
the effort to defend our community, to
replace the Tuxaua of the maloca. Our first
Step was ending alcoholism. which the
garimpdros (gold prospectors) were
bringing into our community. Then, we
Started to organize other communities
and work with the other Tuxauas. Still,
they thought I was new, and lacked experience. I argued that, for the future. we
had 10 take action on our own behalf. The
government was never goi.ng to do any·
thing. FUNAI wouldn\ help us. Our
effons continued: communities Started
helping each other, clearing fields, building houses.
!took this experience of working with
the Tuxauas to the annual general assem·
bly. 1chose four people in my maloca (village), went 10 the assembly, and told all
the 1i&lt;Xauas about the village council we
had fonned. The reaction was pretty neg·
alive: They said, "What, you won\ respect
the Tuxaua any more. and there won\ be
a legitimate authority?" But, when they
saw the results of our work, they agreed
10 unite and work together.

I

20

In 1987. we decided to extend our
organization to the city to work for the
demarcation of our land. I suggested
12 people, from all the communiti. s,
e
10 start. In April, 1987, we went 10 all
the malocas. explaining what we wanted to do. that in Maturuca we already
had a council, and that this was for the
future of our children. The people
agreed.
After one month we wem to the
city. We had no house or anything.
FUNA! didn't want to help us. So. we
went to talk with a bishop, Don Aldo
Mongiano. and he said he could provide a house we could use. We divided
up the work. Three people stayed in
the cit)'. and the others returned to the
malocas. After a while, the process was
reversed. We set up a place where people could go for help.
After two years, everyone was with
us. 1 was in the middle of everything.
We bought another house for an off\ce
in Boa Vista. People brought food from
the villages. We put together a small
project that rec~ived support.
In 1988. we had a meeting in
Manaus with COlAS (Brazilian
Indigenous Peoples and Organizations
Articulating Council). There was an
election. and six people were chosen
including me. l told them l didn't have
enough experience, and that this is a

very big city. But , they convinced me
and tOld me it would. be fine.
By 1990, we were doing well. Then,
there. was an outbreak of malaria in my
maloca. Many people fell sick. My ,vifc
\\'$one of them, and she died. When I
got back to Boa Vista, they wanted me to
work for the Council. but l said I had to
take care of my children. When I got
back to the maloca, they said you can\
leave. A 1itxaua is a Tuxaua.
After four months. they chose me to
coordinate the region. where there are
5,000 people in 48 villages. 1 agreed to
coordinate thi.ngs from my home.
Our organization. the Indigenous
Council of Roralma (OR). now has
diverse personnel, including a lawyer
and an agronomist. Since we divided up
imo eight regions, some Stay in their
areas while others work in the cit)• Now,
we are even trave1ling to other countries.

In September, the vice-coordinator wem
to Italy where he met with other organizations.
Today, I am here. Our work to
defend our rights continues.
What are the principal problems
faced by Macux.i communities?
At the beginning of 1995, the state
government wanted to build a dam on
the Cotingo River. \vithin the Indian area
Raposa Serra do Sol. They sent the miliAbya Yala News

�B RAZIL

tary police who destroyed a house, beat
up the Rtxaua, and kicked people out
and burned a house. We resisted. We
held that it was illegal to do this in an
Indigenous area. We contacted the attorney general and FUNAI. We explained
how they had beaten many people.
later, the federal government decided to
bring in energy from Venez\tela. so
things calmed down.
The s(ate government was doing this
to hold up the demarcation lof our
~'nd). The arn1y came into the area, also
destroying houses. Vole had a meeting
and called the military and little by little
they left.
Then in October. they proposed creating a town, a nmnicipality within
Raposa Serra do Sol. How could they get
away with this? The)• called for a
plebiscite and scheduled a day to hold it. Jacir Jose de Souza (right) during Amazon Week VI, 1995, during a panel on
They brought electronic voting Indigenous Rights.
machines. The ranchers and miners
Vole built a blockade and st.~yed there helping us: But this is in the city of Boa
voted. as well as the Indians.
In another plebiscite a year ago the months, not letting anyone or any vehi- Vista, where many lndiallS are suffering,
results were annulled because the cles pass. Then. FUNAI sent the federal and can\ go back to their village.
Indians !.:new about it, and being well- police in 1992 to expel everyone. We
organized, boycotted it. Now they managed to kick out 600 garimpeiros. Have you received the support from
po pu1atious
in
pulled a new maneuver. announcing the The ranchers inside the area also began non·lndigcnous
plebiscite with onl)• two days o£ advance to leave. One o£ the meanest, named Jai, Rorai.ma?
notice. The Indians didn\ have a chance left after destro)&lt;ing many o£ our houses.
In any city in Bmzil, there are people
to organize. They brought computers, Now. this area is clean. and the forest is defending our rights. There are journalwhich people had not seen before. beginning to grow.
ists who help us. The church also SUI&gt;So. today, there are very few cattle pons us. FUNAI also scm a decree to the
Needing assistance, they could not vote
in privacy. Now, they say they will build inside. But, \vith the suppon o£ the state min.ister recognizing our tenitorial lim·
a city near M:uuruca. \Ve. believe th.is is government. son1e remained. Now. there its. And, there are many organizato destabilize the Indian movement. and is a lot o£ pressure to establish a munici- lions-CIMI (lndigenist Missionary
pality. The fight is getting seriotts. and Council), that organization in 5.\o Paulo,
to prevent the demarcation o£ the area.
we can't give in.
the CPI (Pro-lndian Commission), in
So, I'm very concerned. Its a very
serious problem.
Rio de janeiro.
Oid you s peak with Minister Jobim?
So, we're working togelher. Any
How many years have garimpeiros
It's difficult. We've tried three times place we go, we find allies. But, powerto schedule a meeting. We tried to speak ful people \vith more money stay on top.
been inside the area?
Its been about 25 years. They staned tO the president in New York, but we
working manually. Then. machinery 'vas couldn\. Some of our members have What can people here do to help the
brought in. In the last seven years, they spoken with the minister. but hear that Macux_i people?
On this trip, I've met other Orgatli.zabrought in dredging equipment. he is going to sign the decree !decree
tions like RAN (Rainforest Action
destroying the rivers. polluting them 1.775).
Network). and asked for their help to
with mercury, leaving them filthy.
When the fedeml government took ...and the s tate government?
speak \vith the government here. People
the miners out o( the Yanomami area in
The state government, through buy- can send letters asking our government
1989-90, many came to the Macuxi area. ing ofT some of ottr people and giving to respect Indian people. Everyone can
This was when fakipanan malaria-the them small presents like clothes, got the pressure the us government here ruso.
most serious kind-became rampant.
Indians to S&lt;'\Y that "the government is
Continued on page 36
Vol. 10 No.1

21

�OR G ANI Z AT I ON

AND

C O MM UNICA T IO N
Corot/nucd from pasc 21

ru.s

\\'Jut
bctn tht rt&lt;~ of poopk in
1M dties of Bra:il? AI"( th&lt;y a""'"' of the
situa:don?

ABYA YALA NEWS
BACK ISSUES!
&lt;Back Issues are availabl e in both Spanish and
English for $3 each plus shipping. Be fore 1993,
the journal wa s called SAIIC N e w s l e tter.)
.:l State Frontiers and Indian

'3 II Continental Encounter of

N atlone
Vol 9 No.I. Spnng 1995:
Includes

lndigenoue People•
Vol. 7. Nos. 3 &amp; 4. w.nter 1993
&lt;not av8llable 1n Spanishl.
Also inCludes
• Oot Compan•es Take Over the
Ecuadorian Am4zon

• Ecu.cjo&lt;Peru 8ocde&lt; WM
• lnteMOW leona&lt;do V.ten
• MelUCO's Domestic and
lnterMI'Onal Borders

J Confronti ng
B loc:olonlallem
Vol. 8. No. 4. Winter 1994:
Includes
• Tho Human Genome Diversity
Pro)oot

• Sofoguardlng Indigenous
Knowtedgo
• Tho Guoym1 Potent
• Blodivors•ty ond Community

lntognty
.J Indian Movements and The
Electoral Proce . .
Vol. 8. No. 3. Fall 1994: Includes·
• Me&gt;c&gt;co lndogenous Suffrege

Undet Protest
• BoiMO. Reconstructing the
Aytlu

• Guatemala· Maya Poloucal
Crossroads
• Colombia: Special Indian

0. str1&lt;: 111'9
.l Chlapae: lndlgenoue
Uprlelng with Campealno
Demande?
Vol 8. Nos 1 &amp; 2. Summer 1994:
Includes:

• Moyo Identity end the Zapatista
UpriS•ng

• Cho onology of Events
• lndogenous and Cemposono
P~ Proposels
• lnteMOW With Ant&lt;nO
Hemondez Cruz of CIOAC
36

• Free Trado's Assault on
IndigenouS Roghts
.J 19113 Year of the World'•
Indigenous P eople•
Vol 7. Nos. 1 &amp; 2. Wintcr/Spnng
1993: Includes:
• UN DecleroUon of Indigenous
Rights
• Stotorne&lt;lt ollndtgenous
Ne110ns at tho UN
0 Excluelve Inte rviews w ith
Fo ur Indian Leaders
Vol 6. No. 4. Fel 1992: lnteMeWS

• M.queas Mollercs. AIOESEP
CPerv&gt;

• Mateo Chumore Guarano
&lt;BoiMa&gt;
• Marganto Aull. API C
Mexoco&gt;
• Caloxta Gobtlel. Kaqchokel Maya
CGu.1temelal
:J March on Qulto o Amazon
lndlane Demand to be Heard
Vol 6. No. 3. SpOng &amp; Summer
1992 &lt;not aveiloble '" Spanosh&gt;
Also Includes:
• lntcrlilew with President of
ONIC {Colomboal
•(X)IC~n r&lt;.re YOO

P.nmll

0 Newe from Around the
Continent
Vol 6. Nos. I &amp; 2. Spnng &amp;
Summer 1991. Includes:

• Pehuenche Organ•z•ng Pays Off
CChoiel
• South end Cent&lt;lll Amencan
Women's Gathcnng &lt;Peru&gt;

lthmk tlut t~l"( IS &lt;Om&lt; actl\11)! ~n:
os ullk of org;mwn~ 2 protNt 1n 8rasllu
When t~rc ~~ mont)' to bnng 300-400
Ind"1ns to 6msiha. t~rc 1&gt; ol\\,1 little time
)"'
to plan.
Whnt is the situation regnrdlng the co11·
struction of the go&lt;•cn&gt;mtnt dam o n the
Cotingo River?
The t'OIIStniCtlon of the d:uu was sus·
pend.'&lt;!, and cltctncny Will b&lt; brought 1n
from \'tne%Ud&gt;tAAad But, \\C don\ know
what \\111 h.1ppen lat&lt;r un

Is the bordu area h&lt;a&lt;i ly miht•rizall
~ m1htary tS 1n :-onnand~:~ :md 8-8.
They want 10 bUild .1 town. and tile)' k~p
&lt;'OIIllniJ through t~ am. htlpmg the
ranchers, bum1ngan lndo.tn hom&lt; here and
thtre.

How about in Indigenous areas?
Calha None mcluded n lxt&lt;c &lt;whm
Rapos:l/Scrm do Sol. but they don\ have
""""'&gt;' to btnld It )&lt;1 The nulttary ll3&gt;
declared ll~lf ag1llMI demarcation of
lndmn lands. nnd supports loc11l interests
They bwlt n blcxlodt oro t~ Ml)· rood tlut
links the CillO &lt;mh thr m.1loca,, and ....,ned the nght to -rch cmcnng Ind1:1ns to
mumtdate t~m
Arc Indian lands •ubj«t to OrgAAized
iowasions by large companirs, o r small
bndltss farmtrs and miners?
~ b~r «OROrniC IIIICI"(StS ha&lt;·t
plans to get mto the nrca. Tht)' want to j\Ct
the rn1ntrs out. so t~y cnn (Ollie 111. Bill.
we don\ want anyont to come m ..,
S&lt;otd foxes to l'rrsltla ll l'cmamlo Hcrrrlq• &lt;
CllrJooo ~~ him I&lt;&gt; f,lld&lt;~nl« th&lt; d&lt;matal·

'""' of lnchg&lt;nc&gt;US ""'" In Roatrl. and c r«-ol:&lt;
o
D«•« 1775:
l'rmJrldo Htnn&lt;jl&gt;t C..o.i&gt;w. PI'Ouklll of the
RrpoblK. Pa/cllld do l'liVIollro, Braulia • DF •
10 !60-900. frl&lt; SS-6!·121&gt;-7566. (?lloUI.

....

,...~

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                    <text>0RGAHIZATIOH

AHD

COMMUHICATIOH

Forging Unity, Zapatistas Call for
Indigenous Forum
ith more than 300 delegates,
250 guests. and mtemation·
al obst"~rs and reponers.
the Natoonal Indigenous Forum took
place on Janunry 3·9, 1996. In S.1n
Cristobal de Ins&lt;"=. in an area called
the Valley of Jove! The event WllS called
by the EZLN {Zap:uista Army of
Nntlon:•l Libenttion). the Commission
for Pacification {COCOPA), and the
Plural lnd tgenous Assembly for
Autonomous RcgtOI\S {ANIPA). 1\venty
four Zapatislll commanders, four of
them won&gt;en. participated In the Porum
by chatting the Working Conunissions.
The orgamznuonal fmme of the
Forum revolved around th&lt; objecttvcs
of the controversial "Peace wllh Dignhy
and Ju.suce· ncgouauons between lhe
go,·crnmem of Prestdent Ernesto
Zed!llo nnd the EZLN oceurring in San
Andrt!.&lt; l.1m!inznr. Chiap.1S. '!'here the
parttes reached ngreements on the first
theme or lnd•g~nous Culture and Rights
on January 18.

W

Pre,;ou&lt; to the Forum. the EZLN
consulted ""h its more than OM&lt;! hun·
dred adviSers out of whtch '10 are
Indigenous people. The Forum was
di.;ded into six Working Commi;slons:
I. Community and Autonomy.
Indigenous Riglu.s
2. indtgcnous Culture
3. Indigenous Educ:nion
4. Condiuon, RighiS, and Culture
of Indigenous Women
5. indtgenous Peoples and
Mediums of Commumcuion
6. Political Repre.scmation and
PaniC!palion
lndtgcnous Peoples
It was the n.,.t 11me that the
Zapatisto&gt; met ";th Indigenous repre·
scmativcs from most or t he 57
indigenous notions m Me.&lt;ico. numbcrmg today appro.umatCI)• 14 mtlhon In
the Rcsoluuons, most of the delegates
expressed
strong
support
for
Autonomous Indigenous Regions as
w.:ll ~ the need 10 ha'-e • ptrm:~nent
forum to discuss lndtgcnous issues.

or

Another resol ution that came out of the
Forum was to demand that the go\'cm·
mcnt a.n d congress rctnSiale ~rttcle 27 of
the Consmution •n order lO ensure that
communal lands won't be sold to out·
stdcrs. Al.so, the Forum proposed 10
change sc,·cml other an1cles of the

Consmution wnh aim to cre~tc a pluri·
nauonal state adapted 10 the many
pueblos that hvc m Mexico today.
~brgarita Guntrrtz. lil&gt;nhu from
the Stole of Htdalgo and one of the coor·
dmalors of 1\NIPA. spoke I&gt;&lt;&gt;Silively of
the event. "ThiS is a great Forum
bceallSC n has united gr:ISSrOOis
Indigenous Reprtsenlllti\'\'5. and engag·
ing In dialogue with the F.Z~N com·
manders helps 10 have an understand·
tng of the cultures nnd problems we are
foong. Al.so, the !'ttct that m the EZLN
women have full paniclpation is very
poshivc. We haw to make an i memnl
revoluuon first whtch Is to allow
wom&lt;n to paniClpate fully m all dcct·
s•on-making procr:sscs. • ....

Peace Accord Signed by EZLN and Mexican Government
'The EZLN and the Me&gt;elcan state agreed oo a prebmlnaty
I peace agreement oo Februaty 16th ln the Chiapas town
of San Andres Larrainzar. It was agreed that lncftgenous
rights must be stated in the coostitutlon: lhat Indigenous
poltllcal participatioo and representation be V&gt;lide1y b&lt;ood·
ened: lhat justo:e be gu~~ranteed to lndtgeoous peoples:
that Indigenous cultural expre$$ion be supported: and that
Indigenous pe&lt;&gt;ples receive support for the creation of their
own educational systems.
.
The peace agreement ~ afte&lt; the roundtable
negotiation from Janua.y I 0· 18 In San Andres Sacamch ·en
de los Pobres. where the two factions agreed to re·define
the relationship bet...veen the state and Indigenous peoples.
or estOOWI p&lt;indples and componeots for the construe.
lion of a "new soc181 contract." tn whiCh Indigenous peo·
pies participate ss full members of society. all within the
context of a "profound reform of the state.·

or

34

By far the most slgn!r.cant advance of the negotia·
lions are the modtficalions to the Mexican constitution.
namely the recognllion of Indigenous peoples' right to
self-determination and autonomy. This comes after an
lnltJal stance of complete rejection of the even the men·
1100 of the word • self·deterrmnatton. • However. due to
pol•lical pressures. the need to re·establlsh M exico's
Image of stability as seen from abroad. and a negotiat·
ed definition of the nature of autonomy, the government

conceded.
What is the nature of the ·Autonomy· granted to
Indigenous peoples after this Initial round of agree·
ments? Autonomy was declared at the • communal"
level. which ts a far c.y from the lndtgenous vtsion of
dlslincl and proper territonal.lurfdlcal. and political enti·
ties. This point will no•doubt be contested in negotiat·
lng sessions to come.

Attya Yaia News

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BR I E F

Peru : Ecological Protection Zone Plan Threatens
Indigenous Lands
NRENA, the Pemvian National lnstitme of Natural
Resources, in concordance wllh article 12 of the Le)' de
Tierras (L
1nd Law), has put forth a proposal to create
Ecological ProteCtion Zones out of 40.5% of Peru~ Amazon
lands. Within these zones. concessions could still be. granted. The rest would eventually become private property.
This would be disastrous for Indigenous commtmities.
most of which do not have legal title to their land.
The proposal, published In the Peruvian newspaper El
Peruano, defines Protected Zones as natural are.1S already
protected (national parks and reserves). swamps, fragile
watersheds. and lands along rivers. More than 31 million

I

hectares of the Pcnwian Amazon would fall into this &lt;:ate·
gory. The NSt. about 46 million hectares. would be classified as Areas Free of Ecological ProteCtion and be administrated by the Ley de Tierras, making it eligible for sale by
public auction to private investors.
Indigenous groups have already reacted strongly against
this project. The Aguanma and Huambisa council fonvartled itS own amendments to the Ley de Tierras to the
Ministry of Agriculture. Now, it only remains to see how
the Minister of Agriculture, who stated that he ' vas open to
recei,•ing the input of all sectors. will react to the national
and international pressure.
Information received from El Comercio, Uma, m1d the Amazon

Coollr!on

Women March in Chiapas to Commemorate
International Women's Day
On international woman\; day, March 8,1996, between
five and seven thousand people, mostly Indigenous
women, gathered at the Plaza de San Diego and marched to
the plaza of the main cathedral in the center of San
Crist6bal de las Casas, Chiapas. This march. which coincides ";th the dialogue at San Andr~s Larrainzar between
the Mexican Government and the EZLN (Zapatista Army of
Natiom\l

Liberation).

was

held

to

commemorate

International Women's Day and was organized· by the
Comisi6n de Mujeres Por El 8 de Marzo (The Commission
of Women for March 8th) and the Frente Zapatista de
Liberaci6n Nacional (Zapatista National Liberation Front,
or FZLN).
1'he participants came in caravans from Indigenous

communities all over Chiapas, including the Laca.nd6n jun·
gle. It was an emotional and inspirational evcm as women,
4

some carrying babies on their backs, and many wearing ski
masks, marched through the streets. Some banners
denounced the unfair treatment of Indigenous women and
demanded equal rights for women , and others announced
support for the FZLN and the EZLN.
Compiled from reports from Global Ex&lt;lumgt Volunteer'S

Honduras: Violence Flares Against Indigenous
Communities
he Commission for the Defense of Human Rights in
Central America (CODEHUCA), has expressed grave
concern over the safety and life of Chonfs Indigenous
members and leaders, a commlU&gt;ity residing in the depart·
ments of Copan and Ocotepeque.
Representatives of the Confederation of Autochthonous
Peoples of Honduras have reported a series of death threats
made against the leaders of the Indigenous Chortfs Council
of Honduras (CONICHH) and members of their families.

T

Particular mention was made of 1he following persons :
Antonio Arias, Marfa de jesOs lnteriano, jose Ernesto
Suchite. jose Domingo Mejia, Victoriano Ptrez. Natividad
Lopez. juan Amador Mtndez, Andrts Ramirez. Estanislao
Ramirez and CristObal Pinla.
Members of the community have been subjected individually and colleCtively to several attacks including the
destruction and burning or their houses. fields and other
possessions. These acts have been attributed to caule
breeders and land owners in the region who are opposed to
the reclaiming of land which the Indigenous population
has occuj&gt;ied for over a century.

Within this context. on March 2 and 4, 1996. the hous·
es and other possessions of seven Indigenous families were
burnt and destrO)'Cd. One of the fires also caused the death
of the child lsmacl Arias Leon.
CODEHUCA remarks that in 1994 the Go,·emmem of
Honduras ratlned ILO (International Labor Organization)
Convention 169 and in july of the same year also signed a
commitment, stipulated with 8 Indigenous at&gt;d Black communities. in order to resolve conflicts over land possession.
In spite of this, so far there has been no definith• distribu·
e
tion of land to the Chortls communities of CopAn and
Ocotepeque.
The International Secretariat of OMCTISOS-Torture
believes that the failure to comply with the obligations
mentioned have encouraged the commission of acts consti·
tuting grave violations of the right to life and safety of peo·
pie. as well as their economic and social rights.
Abya Yala News

�- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - '1 N_
'--'-'

lnfonnation from OMCTISOS-Torwrt
Plwe se.nd leiters to Ou: liondumn government expressing yQur
concern: S.E Carlos Roberto Reina, Prc:sidente de Ia RepUblica,
.
Casa Pr;:sldcncial, 6a Avcnida, Ia Call&lt;, Tegucigalpa, Honduras.
Fax : (504) 34 35 73 Telex : 1129 MMRR H0/1429 HO
Guatemala: Government Approves, but Modifies,
Convention 169

n March 5, 1996, the Guatemalan Congress uru1ni·
mously approved Convention 169 on "Indigenous and
Other Tribal and Semi-Tribal Populations in Independent
Countries· of the International L1bor Organization (ILO).
revised from an earlier version in 1989. Ratification, how·
ever. occurred only after the ntling part)' modified the first
article of the Con\'ention. The night before the congressional session. hundreds of Mayan people h.~d gathered in front
of the Legislative Palace in a vigil for the "new dawning. •
Convention 169 was first brought to the Guatemalan
Congress in 1992. It wasn1 until 1995 that. under the
Presidency of General Efraln Rios Mont. it was once again
up £or ratification. At that point it was taken to the Cone de
Constitucionalidad (Coun of Constitutionality) to determine if it contntdicted the national constitution of
G\latemala. Its constimtionality a. sured. Kaqchikel-Maya
s
depmy Aura Marina Otzoy of the Guatemalan Republican
Front proposed to re-open the dialogue in February of this
ye3r.
The debates for and against the Convention were
intense. Siglo XX! and Prensa Libre, both major Guatemalan
national news publications. came om with headlines such as
· convention 169 to the Trash Bin!" and "Ratification of
Convention 169 Creates Environment of Uncertainty.• The
reaction of the private sector wa.s one of cautious apprehen·
sion. "11691 might be harmltss to the country. nevertheless
in no way does it benefit the interests of Indigenous people."
s.1ys the president of the Agriculture Department and the
Committee of Commercial. Industrial. and Financial
Associations. •... it will on!)• bring chaos to the country."
Indigenous organizations. on the other hand. did their
best tO ellS\Ire that this favorable piece Of legislation get
approved by the national government. COPMAGUA
(Coordinator of Mayan Organizations of Guatemala) stated
that · with the ratlncation of Convention 169, the Mayan
people seek to build a solid and lasting peace in the country... We are calling out to you so that you may realize the
necessity of change in this society. that its no longer possible to go on accepting living conditions implanted during

O

VoL 10No.1

.B R I E F

500 years of sacrifice, pain, despair, indignation, and alienation."
Seventy-five deputies were initia1ly presem at the voting
session. $eventy•tWO remained at the moment Of deCiSiOn,
and voted unanimously for Convention 169. Nevertheless,
the governing party (PAN - Party of National Advancement)
managed to modify Article 1 of the document, en.s uring that
the ratification is being made with the understanding that
the dispositions of the nationtll constitution come before
those of the Convention.

Information p•&lt;&gt;vidcd by Atencio Lopez
BRAZIL: Marcio Santilli Resigns from the
Presidency of FUNAI

O

n M3rch 8, 1996. Marcio Santilli, resigned from the
presidency of the National Indian Foundation (FUNA!)
after 5 months of service. This comes as the agency's fundamental aim of demarcating Indian lands has been undermined by the recent passing of Decree 1775 which allows
outsiders to contest the process in a coun of law.
After 10 years of documented FUNAI corruption. Santilli
was in the midst of attempting a clean up the organization.
Many high level decision-making FUNAI authorities have
been accused of illegal logging and mining in Indigenous
areas as well as having long-standing patronage ties with
some local leaders. Where Santilli had identified blatant
cases of corruption, he had replaced S(a!f. combating powerful job security laws for the public sector. After the passing of Decree 1775. howe"er, FUNA!'s effectiveness seems to
have completely plummeted. Faced with corntption scandals, an outbreak of invasions of Indigenous areas. and
police inaction, Santilli resigned.
"We owe Mareio Santilli our thanks for his effort to clean
up FUNAI. and put it in shape to effectively defend Indian
rights in Brazil. But it is now clear that the National Indian
Foundation needs radical surgery. not band-aids. if the
ddense of Indigenous rights in this government is to move
from rhetoric to reality." said Carlos Alberto Ricardo. executive secretaf)' or the lnsfiruco .Socioambitmtal.
On March 14. 1996,Julio Gaiger. a lawyer specializing in
environmental, agrarian, and Indigenous rights. took office
as the third president of FUNAI during Henrique C1rdoso's
term. Last year Geiger worked as an auxiliary to the jtasticc
Minister and is responsible for the final text of Decree 1775.
J,ifonnarion from Environm~mwl DcfenSI! Fund &lt;md Amanaka'a,
&lt;1nd rhc lns.rituco Sotioambiental

5

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