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                    <text>S

DETERMINATION

recent ruling by the
Constitutional Court of
Colombia that the government must "consult" with
the U'wa Indigenous people
regarding oil activities in their territory
may be a move to undermine Indigenous
rights in that country The U'wa, under
threat of an oil concession to Occidental
de Colombia, an affiliate of Occidental
Petroleum of Bakersfield, CA, have
threatened to commit collective suicide if
the company is allowed to exploit oil in
their territory
Fiercely opposed to the Colombian
governments' agreement to allow
Occidental to explore in their territory,
the U'wa claim that they would rather die
than live with the inevitable desecration
of their sacred ancestral land which
would accompany the oil extracting project. U'wa leaders say that they have
"talked about collective suicide" and that
their spiritual leaders, the Werhayas, will
decide how they will make the sacrifice.
In the late 17th century an entire community of U'wa committed mass suicide
by jumping off of a cliff when a group of
Spanish missionaries and tax collectors
threatened to take over their village.
Today the U'wa people call this spot "the
Cliff of Glory"
On October 22, 1997, SAIIC sent out
an urgent action to infonn the international community that the U'wa
Indigenous people in Colombia were
threatening to commit collective suicide
if the Occidental Oil Company went
through with its plans to do seismic testing and exploit oil in the Samore Block, a
concession it had acquired from the state
oil company Ecopetrol in 1992. For
Occidental to obtain the necessary environmental permit to begin its seismic
studies it was required by law to discuss
the potential impact the project could
have on the Indigenous communities in
the region. By February 1995 Occidental
was granted its license after having met
with representatives from Ecopetrol, the
Colombian goverpment, and U'wa communities. A government human rights

30

A N D

TERRITORY

i

E l F

i

I

i

organization called The People's away with the environmental license preDefender's sued the Environment viously required for seismic exploration.
Ministry on grounds that they disregard- However a September court ruling called
ed the U'wa's position on the issue. The into question the legality of that action.
Environment Ministry and Occidental
The suit and recent court ruling have
argued that there was no legislation that brought to light the profound conflict of
required the U'wa's approval of the pro- interest between indigenous peoples in
ject before its implementation. The final Colombia and that of the nations' largest
ruling decided that while a 30-day con- source of foreign revenue, oil exportation.
sultation period is mandatory, the gov- Occidental has released the information
ernment reserves the right to make the that the oil field on which the U'wa live
could be one of the largest in the hemiultimate decision.
The 5-4 ruling on February 2, 1997, sphere, holding between 1 and 2.5 billion
deemed that the Colombian government barrels of oil. The Colombian government would get 80 percent of
has 30-days to consult with the
the profits from the exploitaU'wa, after which time the govtion.
ernment apparently retains the
The U'wa, who number
right to decide whether or not
roughly 8,000, are well aware
the oil exploration and eventual
of the ambiguous court ruling,
exploitation will continue.
NEGOTIATE."
Although the court decided in
and have sent out a letter to
the
international
public
favor of Indigenous participation in the decision making
expressing their dismay that
"those gentlemen judges [of
process, ONIC, the Indigenous
the Constitutional Court] have
Organization of Colombia, has
not been able to defend our
TEGRIA
stated that "[Indigenous peoples] gain nothing with the
fundamental rights: to the
integrity of our territory, to our
guarantee of the right to be consulted if the government has no obliga- culture, and, in general, our life. Rights
tion to respect the results of the consulta- which, besides being recognized by the
tion."
constitution and both national and interThe court ruling apparently under- national norms presently in force, are
mines the historic Decree 1397, which ancestral rights. "
"What is sacred we don't negotiate,"
was established in August 1996 after a
long Indigenous protest in Bogota by the said Ebaristo Tegria in an interview with
82 native communities in Colombia (see the Associated Press. The U'wa believe oil
Abya Yala News 10:2 Summer 1996). is the blood of Mother Earth and that its
Decree 1397 calls for mandatory consul- exploitation will lead to the destruction of
tation with Indigenous peoples and their their culture. "We have already made
organizations (Mesa de Concertaci6n) known our thoughts about this project to
before starting any project in their com- bleed Mother Earth, " states their letter.
munities. It requires that eight ministries, "For us Mother Earth is sacred, is not for
three Indigenous organizations and violation, exploitation, nor negotiation; it
politicians as well as three other official is to be cared for, to be conserved. For
bodies be in attendance during the dis- these reasons we cannot permit oil explocussions surrounding any future develop- ration on our traditional territory." "'9
ment, including oil exploration projects.
Mining and Oil interests disputed the Information from ONIC and the Amazon
decree, claiming that it made the licens- Coalition. Pleas.:: send letters to President
ing process far too difficult for foreign
investors. In response to these com- Emesto Samper callingfor the respect of
plaints, the Colombian government did Indigenous rights to their ancestral territory.

Abya Ya\a News

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                    <text>ENVIRONMENT

he situation concerning the
Sumo of Awastingni of the
Atlantic coast of Nicaragua in
the Autonomous region of the
North Atlantic (RAAN) is
becoming increasingly difficult under the
government of Dr. Arnoldo Aleman, the
current president of the republic.
Aleman's administration has been unwilling to continue discussions regarding the
management of natural resources and the
rights of Indigenous communities in the
coastal region of Nicaragua.
It was the previous administration of
Dona Violeta Chamorro that granted a
land concession to lumber dealers which
affected the Sumo's territory In March of
1996 the government of Dona Violeta
Chamorro promised a concession to the
timber company SOLCARSA, a subsidiary of the Korean company Kum
Kyung, which granted the company a 30year contract to explore and exploit the
63,000 hectares of tropical rain forest in
the territory of the Sumo community of
Awastingni. This concession was made
without consulting the Sumo community.
For the Sumos, this concession signifies a
grave threat to the security and survival
of the 364 families who live in this region
and have traditionally fished, hunted,
cultivated and buried their dead on these
lands.
International pressure from financial
institutions impelled the government of
Violeta Chamorro to start privatizing
state industries and to undertake development projects on a grand scale in order
to attract foreign investment. The government alleged that, according to the Civil
Code, the lands were not titled to private
individuals but belonged to the government and could therefore be given in
concessions. With this justification the
government handed over great tracts of
national land to transnational corporations like SOLCA~SA. This policy contraflllll"'"""'!ll'-,...

diets the Law of Autonomy of the Atlantic
Coast as well as the measures concerning
traditional lands which were won in
1985.
In September 1996, the Sumos presented a petition to the court of appeals
in Managua against the Ministry of
Natural Resources
(MARENA) in
an attempt to
THAT,
halt the concession. When their
ACCORDING TO THE
appeal was rejectCIVIL CODE, THE
ed, the community took their
NOT
LANDS
case to
the
TITLED TO
Supreme Court.
It in turn disINDIVIDUALS
carded
their
TO THE
case, claiming
that the appeal
was submitted
30 days after the
BE GIVEN IN
signing of the
concession- in
CONCESSIONS."
other
words,
they acted too late.
The Sumos considers these actions by
the government to be in violation of
international norms, the Constitution of
the republic and the statute of the
Autonomous government of the Atlantic
Coast region. They have filed a petition of
protest before the Inter American
Commission on Human Rights (IACHR)
and the Organization of American States
(OAS). These organizations accused the
Nicaraguan government of not complying with its obligation to guarantee the
demarcation of the communal lands of
Awastingni and of the other Indigenous
communities of the Atlantic Coast.
Particularly frustrating is the fact that the
national government continues to make
consequential decisions regarding the
national resources of the Atlantic Coast
region in complete disregard of the

statutes of the Autonomous Government
of the Atlantic Coast, which has been
awaiting ratification in the national congress since 1990.
As a result of the meetings with the
lACHR and the OAS, delegates from the
Nicaraguan government and representatives from the Sumo and Miskitu communities formed a task force under the
Dona Violeta administration to further
study the issue. However, under the new
administration of Dr. Arnoldo Aleman,
new conflicts are surfacing. Delegates of
the new government are accusing Sumo
leaders of being separatists. It is evident
that the new government has little desire
to continue with the task force discussions.
Meanwhile the Sumos continue to
suffer from the repercussions of the mining exploitation project that operated on
their lands from 1930 through the 1980s.
They bitterly recount their personal experiences of the destruction of their environment, their rainforests and their entire
way of life. They are demanding that this
time their rights as an autonomous community be respected. For many years the
rivers in their territory have been severely contaminated. The consequences of
this contamination are evident: high
infant mortality rates, chronic diarrhea,
open sores on their skin and a host of
other illnesses and infections. The Sumos
demand respect for their community and
improvements in their roads, their
schools, their public health facilities and
the care of their fragile forests. One of
their highest priorities is ensuring the
reforestation of their land.
For the Sumos, the only alternative
for the survival of their communities is
the demarcation of their communal
lands. In this way they can legally keep
out forces like the Korean company Kum
Kyung which continue to seek access to
their lands and resources. ~

--~·---

34

Abya Yala News

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                    <text>I

N D I A N

C

I T Y

il:

i
While we were doing the research for this issue, one of our colleages informed us that Paulo
Pankararu, the first Indigenous laywer in Brazil and currently on the staff of the lnstituto
Socioambiental, was on the West Coast. SAI/C took the opportunity, along with the Rainforest Action
Network, to invite Paulo to the Bay Area for an event and an interview Paulo has worked to defend
Indigenous rights in Brazil and was interviewed for an article in Veja magazine on the topic of
Indigenous migration to the cities in Brazil. In what follows, SAIIC discusses the article with Paulo.
(SAIIC) What is the principal cause of
Indigenous migration to the cities of
Brazil, and what is the relation
between this phenomenon and the conditions inside the Indigenous reserves?

he problem of migration is
linked to the conditions within the Indigenous areas. Many
Indigenous peoples are heading towards urban centers to
find new ways life, to find work, anything
to make possible the survival of their
families. This is what is evident today in
Brazil.
Nevertheless, iflndigenous areas were
demarcated, and if alternative development projects within the areas received
support, this migration would be reduced
to the point of being insignificant.
f!l!l"'""''ll"'"""llll.

10

Does migration have to do with the
increase in the Indigenous population
in Brazil?
Happily, the Indigenous population in
Brazil has been increasing in the last few
years, but this doesn't constitute a problem for Indigenous peoples. The reality, I
think, is that the Indigenous population
could grow much more, because before
the colonization-in the 1500s-we were
about 5 million Indians. Today in Brazil,
there are approximately 300,000 Indians.
So, the question of the increase in
Indigenous population is not a problem.
Still, upon analysis, things are changing: Indigenous peoples are gaining back
lands, and are becoming more organized.
This is due to the work of Brazilian
NGOs, Indigenous organizations, and to
the alliances with international NGOs. So
this is a solution for [the problem].

The Veja article states that migration
to the cities is an attempt to flee from
the misery of the Indigenous reserves.
In the reserves, the life expectancy
often fails to surpass 46 years. Yet, a
domminent idea, indeed the basis of
the campaign of support: to title
Indigenous lands, is that Indigenous
peoples can live better lives in their
territories, on their lands. What are
your thoughts on this matter?
The Veja article exposes a very real situation in Brazil. This is linked to my first
response. Due to the new and bigger perspectives within the Indigenous areas,
many Indians are going to cities. Within
the areas, there exists a host of pressures,
like land invasions, and a situation of corruption at many levels. It's not that life in
the Indigenous area is not "better" than
life in the city Problems exist that are
linked to the question of land, and this
problem is generating migration. Now, it
is difficult to really evaluate what would
be the advantages of staying in the village
or of finding a solution in the city This is
a very difficult question to answer
because we are dealing with extremes;
when you deal with extremes, it's not possible to really compare, what would be
better, what would be less harmful.
The Veja article also says that the
Indigenous peoples living in Brazil's
cities constitute the second biggest
"tribe" of the country, behind only the
Guarani, who number 35,000. This
statement creates the image that
urbanized Indians in Brazil are unified,
or have social unity in the city. Is this
accurate, or, a.re they not uniting as
Indigenous peoples in the city?
There are various Indigenous organizations working in the cities, but this
Continue on page 11
Abya Yala News

�I
doesn't mean that there is a "national
organization of urban Indians," just like
there isn't a "national organization of
reserve Indians." This is an impossibility
in Brazil because these are differentiated
peoples, geographically, linguistically, etc.

concept of Indigenous culture with
respect to space and Indigenous areas
because this back and forth movement
exists. Our ancestors already communicated with other Indigenous areas, and
exchanged experiences.
In regards to this pattern of
But the question is also that, in migrat- Indigenous peoples and cities, I did not
ing to the cities, despite cultural differ- do the [Veja] article knowing the cultural
ences, their problems become very reality proper to Indigenous communisimilar.
ties, but I did it to expose an existing
Yes. What is most common is that social problem. I do not think that
people find family,
"Indigenous
or relatives, in the
~ peoples should
city There's contiGl in any way be
nuity, almost an
~ "restricted" to
extension of the
~ the Indigenous
reserve community,
§- areas, because
within the city But
~ it is possible to
this doesn't go as far
have this interas to reflect a spirit
c h a n g e
of national organibetween city
zation, if anything
and Indigenous
when
because,
area, and to
Indigenous people
work out propgo to the cities, they
er
cultural
often do it only on a
mechanisms.
provisional basis.
So, the quesThey do not aspire
tion becomes
to remain within
one of resolving
the city So, in this
the land probcontext, one can
lems
of
speak of the culturIndigenous
al side of migration,
peoples, and to
and arrive at the
work for alterthought that we are Paulo Pankarau during an interview with native and susSAIIC
not dealing with
tainable devel"migration to the
opment for the
city," but more realistically a search for communities. Then, the "problem" would
means to support oneself as an "Indian," be resolved.
to provide continuity to one's culture,
maintaining contact with one's relatives, Do the major organizations of the
and returning to the reserves, and return- Indigenous movement in Brazil like
ing again. Indigenous cultures permit this CAPOIB, COIAB, and CIR, work with
movement of going and coming back.
the urbanized "sector," if one can
speak of such a thing, and do they conDoes there exist a generation of sider this as an important cause to
Indigenous peoples born in the city? If defend?
so, their reality must be completely
There is a connection, but today in
different.
Brazil the strongest goal is to defend
Yes, this exists. It is a very different Indigenous lands so that Indigenous peoreality from the person born and raised ples can live in their own territories.
inside an Indigenous area. But there is no
doubt that the person who lived in the Do distinct organizations exist to
Indigenous reserve 30 years ago also had assist Indigenous migrants in the
a very different reality from the person cities?
who lives there today So, for all those livThere are associations. For example,
ing in Indigenous areas, there are differ- my people have an association in Sao
Paulo, Brazil's largest city This association
ences across time.
So, we cannot work .with this closed exists so as to prevent conditions of mis-

N D I A N

C

I T Y

ery for our people in the city. But, its
principal objective remains to advocate
for a solution to the land problems of
evictions so that these people may eventually return to the areas.
Is it possible, in regards to Indigenous
migration to the cities, to speak of positive effects or results, or is it only a
negative experience leading to poverty,
exploitation, marginalization?
If we analyze migration to the cities as
a strategy for survival, then it is possible
to say that it has a positive result. For
people who go to the city to show their
culture, make contacts with institutions,
to show the Indigenous reality, it is productive, but it is another level of relations
that is at work.
The ideal is that there exist relations
based on respect between Indigenous and
non-Indigenous peoples. If these respectful relations existed, Indigenous peoples
could more freely visit the cities and also
receive their friends in the Indigenous
areas.
What about for those people who
remain in the Indigenous areas? Is it
beneficial for them to have relatives or
family in the urban context? Does it
make their political work easier, for
example, to have relatives in the city?
Yes, alliances with people in the city
are very important. They are necessary,
considering our objective to have a more
pluralistic society in Brazil. It's important
to establish these alliances, with universities, with NGOs, with environmental
organizations. These alliances exist, but
much more for rural laborers.
The sector that supports Indigenous
peoples is also composed of organizations
of urban laborers. This is the idea behind
the unification of forces to reinforce the
organizations.
Do labor organizations and their partisan politics and various ideologies
have any influence on the Indigenous
movement?
No, they have no influence on the
Indigenous organizations, but the political support of a wide base of organizations is important. For example, when
Decree 1775 was instituted, with all the
problems it implied for Indigenous areas,
many organizations came out against it.
In this way they supported Indigenous
peoples, but this doesn't translate into
this movement's having any influence on
Continue on page 11
·~------·

Vol. 10 No.3

11

�S

E L F

DETERMINATION

A N D

TERRITORY

Continued from page 11

'Wa chief Roberto Cobaria
and his companion Edgar
Mendez came in early May
for a two week U.S tour to
try to garner support from
environmental organizations and human
rights workers in their fight to protect

ances, Chief Cobaria made clear the U'Wa
belief that if there is no blood (oil) there
is no light and there is no life. Petroleum
is a part of the U'Wa's environment as
much as the forests and rivers and animals are, and cannot be removed from its
habitat without disrupting the precious

the Indigenous way of thinking. They are
different.
Now, it is clear that the work of
Indigenous peoples in the city, creating
alliances, this is completely different
from the problem of migration.
Migration is not a method of establishing
alliances. Migration is a reaction to a set
of problems, like lack of land and unsustainable conditions in the Indigenous
areas, which force people to head for the
cities. This doesn't constitute a beneficial
solution for the communities in the
Indigenous areas.
Do Indigenous organizations aspire to
a high level of autonomy, with a proper education, control over the territories, and self-rule in the respective
areas?
The idea is that the government exercise greater respect towards the traditional organizations of Indigenous peoples.
We are not seeking a very formal system
of representation of Indigenous peoples,
but simply that our traditional organizations and our customs be granted
respect.

Roberto Cobaria, chief of the U'Wa people.

their territory from
oil exploitation.
They met with
Occidental in Los
THE
Angles and gave
press conferences
IS
and presentations
in Washington D. C
and San Francisco.
The U'Wa are
determined to continue their protest
of Oxy and are
standing firm in
their refusal to
WORLD.
allow any portion
of their land to be
bought or sold or contaminated in any
way:

IS

For the U'Wa, petroleum is the blood
of the Mother Earth and is crucial for
maintaining the delicate balance of the
world. In his numerous Bay Area appear------------------

Vol. 10 No.3

equilibrium which the U'Wa work to
maintain and protect. In an interview at
the South and Meso American Indian
Rights Center, Roberto explained how
petroleum was here on earth before there
was anything, before the world was created. The Occidental corporation refuses
to respect this belief and has offered more
royalties to the community in hopes of
gaining access to the oil-rich region. The
U'Wa asked Oxy who gave them the
authority to buy, sell or exploit that which
they do not own.
In a press conference at Rainforest
Action Network, San Francisco, Chief
Roberto Cobaria said that to negotiate
this matter [we] are contaminating ourselves. The U'wa are continuing to fight
for their right to protect and preserve the
integrity of their land and culture. They
feel that any exploration on their ancestral territory will gravely disrupt their culture and traditions as well as the land that
has sustained them for centuries.~

Are you seeking the right to administer the territories?
Indigenous areas in Brazil are destined for the usufruct of Indigenous peoples. They are the property of the state,
and Indigenous peoples hold usufruct
rights over them. This is a very complex
issue in Brazil, because when people
speak of "self-determination," various
sectors interpret this as proof that
Indians want to disassociate with the
state and establish a type of sovereignty,
and this in turn ends up jeopardizing our
relations with the larger society:
Therefore, in today's Brazil, we are speaking more about respect towards
Indigenous cultures and customs and
decision-making rights for Indigenous
peoples regarding their territories. We
make it very clear that we do not have
the intention of creating a new state, and
enter into conflict with national sovereignty: We want to support our systems
of culture and traditions, and receive the
respect of the state and of the larger society:~

- - - - - - - - - - -

31

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                    <text>ONTENTS
Editorial .................................3

Abya Yala News
Editors: SAIIC Board of Directors
Journal Coordination &amp; Layout:
Gilles Combrisson &amp; Edgar Ayala
Copy Editors: SAIIC Staff
SAIIC Staff
Director: Amalia Dixon
Administrative Coordinator: David Rothschild
Journal Coordinator: Gilles Combrisson
Radio Program Coordinator: Laura Soriano Morales

In Brief ..................................4-5

SAIIC Interns
Gerard Schulting
Paulus Bouma
Eric Bergman
Jess Falkenhagen
Shoshana Spector

Indian City
Migration and Identity in Quito .................6
Brazil: Migrating Between Extremes

........ 10

Reflections on a Modern Reality in Chile ........ 12
The Chicha in Lima

............. 14

Unseen and Forgotten in Mexico City ........... 17
To Be Urban and Indian in Venezuela ...........20

Self Determination and Territory
The Return of the Panara .....................22
Mexico's Hired Guns

........... 26

U'Wa Struggle Continues in Colombia ...........30

Daughters of Abya Yala
Learning From Grandma Lupe .................32

Subscriptions:
Abya Yala News (ISSN I071-3182) is published quarterly in
English and Spanish. It is available for an annual US$25 personal membership, US$15 low-income subscription, US$25 for
Indigenous/social justice non-profits, US$40 institutions. For
Canada and Mexico add US$5, for all other international memberships, add US$1 0. Your donations help us send the journal
free in Spanish to Indigenous organizations in the South.
We welcome submissions of articles, letters, photographs and t-elevant information. Letters and articles may be edited for length.
If you have access to a computer; please send your article on
paper and on an Mac-compatible 3 I/2 inch disk. Send all correspondence to:
SAIIC
P.O. Box 28703
Oakland, CA 94604, USA
Phone: (51 0) 834-4263 Fax: (51 0) 834-4264
e-mail: saiic@igc.apc.org
We would like to thank the following individuals and
organizations for their generous assistance to Abya
Yala News:
Billy R.Trice Jr, Alison Hammond, Stefano Varese, Glenn Switkes,
Marcia Campos, Adriana Ball en. Special thanks to Vickie Ward and
Judith Stronach, Amstrong Wiggins.
Organizations: Survival International, CHIRAPAQ, DoCip
(Switzerland), Rainforest Action Network (USA), Center for
Mapuche Documentation &amp; Study, I&lt;PFA, FIPI, Mexico.

Environment
Awastingi Sumo Defend Autonomi

SAIIC Board of Directors
Wara Alderete (Calchaqui-Argentina)
Alejandro Amaru Argumedo (Quechua-Peru)
Nilo Cayuqueo (Mapuche-Argentina)
Mariana Chuqu(n (Quichua-Ecuador)
Guillermo Delgado (Quechua-Bolivia)
Carlos Maibeth (Miskito-Nicaragua)
Gina Pacaldo (San Carlos Apache-Chicana)
Laura Soriano Morales (Mixteca-Zapoteca-Mexico)
Marcos Yoc (Maya-l&lt;aqchikei-Guatemala)

....... 34

Publications: NAORP (UC Davis, USA), Presencia Literaria
(Bolivia), Revista Ceacatl (Mexico), NACLA (USA), Hoy (La Paz),
La Jornada (Mexico).

El Salvador: No End in Sight to the Abuses ....... 35

Thanks to the following foundations for their generous support: John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur
Foundation, Public Welfare Foundation, Judith Stronach Fund of
the Vanguard Public Foundation, Foundation for Deep Ecology,
Funding Exchange.

Corrections:

*Abya Yala

The Volume 10 Number 2 cover photo was creditted to Aguirre/Switkes. It
should have been credited to Maya Miller. Also, the source material for
"Wichf: Fighting for Survival in Argentina" should have been listed as
Survival for Tribal Peoples, 11-15 Emerald Street. London WC 1N 3QL,
United Kingdom; Phone:0171-242-1441; Fax 0171-242-1771; Email: survival@gn.apc.org

is the Kuna word for Continent of Life which
includes all of the Americas.
Indexed: Alternative Press Index, Echnic News Watch.

SAIIC is located at 1714 Franklin Street, Jrd Floor,
Oakland, CA, 94612. Please send all correspondence
to the P.O. Box address above.

S&lt;

lti

&amp;C

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                    <text>armed security guards and the police just like the people of
Nieuw Koffiekamp. They are also afraid that Brazilian gold diggers will invade their land when they discover that Golden Star
is working there and that their environment will be destroyed
by the garimpeiros or the company The people say that Golden
Star has already polluted the water where they were working
and they have seen desert where forests used to stand in Brazil
and they do not want this to happen to their land.
The VIDS supports the people of Kwamalasemutu in
demanding that Golden Star leaves their territory and that their
land rights, as defined by international law, be recognized and
respected by the Government. The same applies to all other
Indigenous and Maroon peoples in Suriname, especially those
that find themselves in concessions held by Golden Star, NaNa
Resources or any other of the multinationals that are presently
invading their ancestral lands. This is especially the case for the
Indigenous community of Kawemhakan, also located in a concession held by Golden Star and NaN a Resources, where Golden
Star recently announced drilling results at a site called Antino
that indicates that there may be commercial quantities of gold in
the area. Like the people of Nieuw Koffiekamp, the people of
Kawemhakan were not consulted or even informed about the
granting of a concession on their land. We urge the
Government, as did the Gran Krutu held in Galibi, not to give
any further concession until their land and other human rights
are fully recognized in the Constitution and other laws of
Suriname.

For further information please contact the Forest Peoples
Programme, 1c Fosseway Business Centre, Stratford Road, Moreton
in Marsh, GL56 9NQ, U.K. Tel: 44 1608 652893 Fax: 44 1608
652878 E-mail: wrm®gn.apc.org

Youths
Indigenous
CapitaiBrasilia, Brasil

Visiting

hile visiting the capital, our brother Galdino Jesus
dos Santos of the Pataxo tribe was the victim of a
vicious crime in Brasilia, Brasil. On the evening of
April 20th, 44 year old Galdino was returning to his pension
after attending a FUNDAl meeting. When he arrived, it was
after 9:00 PM, the hour at which the hostel locked its doors.
Unable to enter, Galdino was forced to spend the night outside,
sleeping about 20 meters from the hostel at a bus stop. It was
here, late at night, when five youths came upon the sleeping visitor and doused his body with a flammable liquid and lit him on
fire. The flames quickly spread, engulfing Galdino's entire body
as he fell to the ground, trying to roll and screaming for help.
By the time Galdino arrived at the hospital, 95% of his body
was covered with third degree burns. By dawn he was dead.
The perpetrators responsible for this hate-crime were five upper
class youths, the sons of a judge and an ex-minister of justice.
All five have been incarcerated. The minister of the interior of
justice, Milton Seligman, has called this incident a crime of
extreme perversity In a letter from Rio de Janeiro, Felicitas
Barreto has said that Galdino's death "demonstrates the depth of
the hatred and scorn that the colonizers have for their victims,
the indigenous inhabitants of the Americas."

Vol. 10 No.3

For more information regarding the death of Galdino jesus dos Santos
contact: Marcos Terena, Dirigente del Comite Intertribal-ITC,
Brasilia, DF
Phone: (55 61) 273 9897 or 321 8751
Fax: (55 61) 347 1337

Ecuador:
are the last hope

women feel that they

ransnational corporations are tightening their squeeze,
but the women of the Amazanga community of Pastaza
refuse to succumb to temptation or threats and demand
that their ancient voice be heard and their traditional wisdom
not be forgotten.
As the men fall into the trap of corporate
deceit, they close all means of expression and communication
to these visionary women. While their husbands and fathers
refuse to listen, the women of Amazonia clearly stated that they
are committed to the preservation of our "continent of life."
Since the First Congress of Women of the Amazon last Sept., 2427 1996, in Union Base Pastaza, Ecuador, a bad situation has
deteriorated into near hopelessness. Through the Panshpanshu
Biological Reserve, Atlantic Richfield Oil Co. has begun construction of a pipeline. Not only does this endanger the reserve,
but the Villano river valley and the entire watershed of the
Curaray river as well. If this is allowed to continue the natural
indigenous ways of life of these traditional Shuar peoples, a
small community of Quichua, and their vital ecosystem will
surely face eminent destruction. Once happy and free in their
beloved rain-forests, these women are faced with the grim
choice of trying to raise their children on petroleum contaminated, clear cut 'dead zones' or migrating to the cities. While the
Shuar peoples search for legal assistance to help protect the
Pashpanshu Biological Reserve, they also begin the process of
caring for the sacred lagoons of LLushino and recovering stolen
lands from colonial encroachment. Against insurmountable
odds, these brave women are organizing. Providing bi-cultural
and bi-lingual education, the Jeri-Juri Indigenous Children's
Boarding School is actively teaching and preserving traditional
knowledge and natural ways of life for future generations. They
have also created a Natural Indigenous University, Univeridad
Natural Indigena. Here, foreign students are allowed to explore
direct experience natural living and health restoration traditions.

T

Information from: Christina Gualinga, Coordinadora Regional de
Mujeres, Casilla 10-16-704 Puyo, Pastaza, Ecuador or 3330 North
Shore Circle Tallahassee, Florida 32312 tel: 904-997-6042
email:amozonwomen@applicom.com

5

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                    <text>EDITORIAL

n search of work, new ways of life, and better opportunities, many indigenous people are driven into the urban areas of Latin
America . This influx has created a new society, complete with its own culture, challenges, and uncertainties. This issue is
dedicated to the inspirational accomplishments of indigenous people who strive to preserve their distinct identity while promoting the prosperity of indigenous peoples in cities.

In metropolitan areas, we often find ourselves on the fringe of the economic and social infrastructure. To counter this, we must
forge our own networks of support. Migrant indigenous organizations coordinate labor unions, establish training centers, and provide for basic material needs. This essential foundation revives the communitarianism characteristic of our traditional societies,
generates solidarity, and reinvigorates cultural pride.
For the first time, since the migration began about sixty years ago, a significant population of indigenous peoples, born and raised
in urban areas, now find themselves part of a unique emerging society In Lima, the synthesis of urban culture with indigenous
origins blends to create Chicha. Distinctive music, food, clothes, and dance define this modern culture. Attracted by it's urban
themes it has become the symbol for today's youth.
Second generation of indigenous migrants, now, middle aged and raising families of their own, are becoming aware of another reality Ethnic discrimination, and assimilation have forced many indigenous people to swap their cultural identity for economic success. As human rights indigenous activists, we at SAIIC, can not allow the disintegration of our cultures. We must join together
with the numerous indigenous organizations forming throughout Latin America to empower indigenous people to reclaim our heritage. Transmission of indigenous languages is crucial to cultural survival. The power of the spoken word rests inside the heart of
indigenous culture. Extinction of a language is not simply the loss of an historical account. With its disappearance escapes the
values, perceptions, and philosophy of generations past.
Consequently, preservation of our ancestral heritage has become the most pressing priority of urban indigenous communities.
One approach focuses on education. In Quito, Ecuador, NGOs build a school where lessons will be taught in their native language, Quichua. This complements the children's formal education by reinforcing the Quichua language and instilling the young
with respect for traditional culture. At the same time, there is an effort to bridge the gap between urban indigenous communities
and those living in rural areas. By establishing communication,. we rediscover kinship ties once lost and exchange history This,
in turn, develops a sense of a collective memory
Despite migration, the diaspora residing in urban areas will never lose sight of the importance of the land. We must focus our
search on alternatives to traditional development. In Brazil, the Fanara are beginning to resolve their land problems. Forced relocation previously fragmented their society. After two decades of displacement, they have returned to the remaining forests of their
traditional homeland. As they rebuild their community they draw from the spirit of their ancestors, practicing reciprocity with
the environment.
Safeguarding our cultural integrity provides a unifying structure for indigenous peoples. Migration to the cities has presented new
challenges, yet simultaneously created opportunities for growth and prosperity In this stage of transition, our primary responsibility resides in preserving our culture for the generations yet to come. The articles in this issue provide examples of how indigenous people maintain their identity as they meet the challenges of urban life.

Vol. 10 No.3

3

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                    <text>HU

M A N

RIGHTS

•
•

I
@&gt;

I
eginning on january 31 and
continuing the following day,
30 Indigenous families were
forcibly evicted from their
homes and land in the community of Santa julia del canton Las
Hojas, located in the San Antonio del
Monte municipality in the Sonsonate
region of El Salvador. At 11:30 on
january 31, 19 units of the PNC (Policia
Nacional Civil) invaded the Santa julia
Hacienda accompanied by the district's
judge, a human rights delegate, and a
representative from the government. Also
accompanying the police force were 200
soldiers, who remained posted around
the territory throughout the day and
night of the 31.
By the following day the village was
surrounded by 25 police units and 500
soldiers including a 100-strong riot squad
armed with tear gas. Firefighters, the
Salvadoran Red Cross, and two ten-ton
trucks without plates had arrived on the
scene. The riot squad threatened to
thrown tear gas in the homes in an effort
to dislodge their inhabitants. Armed personnel proceeded to harass the cooperative's remaining inhabitants until dawn,
removing them from their homes and
loading each family's personal belongings
into trucks bound for unknown destinations. Once the buildings were evacuated
they were immediately destroyed and the
land set on fire.
These kinds of violent attacks and flagrant abuses of human rights have intensified over the last few months. On
February 5, 1997, Chief Adrian Esquino
Lisco, leader of the National Association
of Indigenous Salvadorans CANIS) and his
family were forced, under threat of death,
from their home in Comarca San Ramon
by Arena party activists Jorge Ruiz
Camacho and Marta Benavides. Chief
Lisco fled to the ANIS offices in
Sonsonate, which are being patrolled by
Death Squad members and are scheduled
for impoundment. Members of ANIS
have received death threats, have been
~--····-·~··

severely beaten, and have witnessed their
family members being raped and tortured
and their homes bulldozed and burned.
On November 3, 1996, the jaguar
Battalion death squad murdered the
Vasquez Ramirez family of San Miguelo,
Sonsonate, who were members of ANIS.
Using machetes the squad killed all eight
family members, four children and three
women among them. The home of
Margarita Esquino, one of the leaders of
ANIS now living in the United States
because of constant threats, was bombed.
He was brutally beaten
lETTERS FROM THE
and his wife
UNITED STATES HAVE
and young
niece were
PROVEN TO HAVE
raped
by
HELPED ANIS IN THE
armed men.
THE
18,
As of March
3,
1997,
1997,lETTER
US
ANIS memCONGRESSMEN
bers have
been given
MOAKlEY AND
72 hours to
RESUlTED
completely
evacuate
IN THE ESQUINO liSCO
their homes
FAMilY
and offices
or they will THEIR
be evicted
OFFICIAlS CAME
by armed
SEARCHING FOR THE
guards.
The sitlEADER THE FOllOWuation
in
lNG MORNING.
Sonsonate
has a long,
unhappy history. According to ANIS,
these lands were purchased more than
ten years ago by ANIS for its cooperative,
at that time UCESISTA, with the help of
loans from the Banco del Fomento
Agropecuario and the Caja de Credito de
Izalco, which were canceled five years
later. After this date, members of the
Indigenous cooperative, UCESISTA, continued to work on this land until internal
political differences drove a wedge
between them. Influenced by the ruling

~-----~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~-

Vol. 10 No.3

ARENA party, some of the families separated themselves from ANIS and identified themselves as the true UCESISTA
members. Those who remained continued to work the land of the San Ramon
and Santa julia Hacienda in the Las Hojas
region of Sonsonate where they suffered
all types of tortures from various members of the ARENA party operating in
Sonsonate, including the brutal massacre
in 1983 in the Las Hojas cooperative of
74 innocent people. In the eyes of ANIS,
these ARENA party members have
manipulated the members of the original
Indigenous cooperative UCESISTA by
fomenting confrontation and instigating
conflict and division within the
Indigenous community, actions that have
already cost many lives and the eviction
of 30 families from the Santa julia cooperative.
The Sonsonate authorities of the
Arena party allege that the legitimate proprietors of this land are the members of
the UCESISTA cooperative. On two previous occasions efforts to evict the families were halted when the members of
ANIS presented documents to the court
of San Antonio del Monte which demonstrated that they were in fact the legal
owners of this property The court was in
the process of reviewing the documents
before making a final decision when the
primary judge of Sonsonate gave the
order to evict the inhabitants of the Santa
julia cooperative. Today these families
remain homeless, exposed to the elements, and are not being given any attention. Some have found refuge in the
homes of families in San Ramon, who are
soon to be the next victims of eviction
under an order from the same judge. The
community of San Ramon is scheduled
for eviction on March 4, 1997.
Representatives of the ARENA party have
promised the Indigenous lands, including
those parcels which ANIS has bought and
has titles for, to other parties.
The situation in Sonsonate seems to
be deteriorating daily The atrocities being
Continue on page 36

-~~~~~~-

35

�I
I

H

U M A N

RIGHTS

committed at this moment call for urgent
action. Death threats, illegal evictions,
beatings, rapes and political shootings
continue in El Salvador despite the peace
that was promised in Chapultapec in
1992 (the El Salvador Accords).
Indigenous Salvadorans continue to be
threatened with violence by the National
Civilian Police (PNC), the courts, and
those connected with the ARENA party
now in power. Letters from the United
States have proven to have helped ANIS
in the past. The February 18, 1997, letter
from US Congressmen john Moakley and
james McGovern resulted in the Esquino
Lisco family returning to their home,

although armed officials came searching
for the leader the following morning.,.

Please send letters by fax to the Salvadoran
authorities urging them to respect the fundamental human rights of the Indigenous communities (Ndhuat, Lenca, Pipiles, Pokomames,
U1uas and Maya people) in El Salvador and
denouncing the repression and grave injustices committed against them by some members of the ARENA party. Please send your
letters to the following addresses:
Dr. Armando Calderon Sol, Presidente de Ia
republica de El Salvador; FAX 503-271-0950
Lie. Mario Acosta Oertel, Ministerio del
Interior, Centro de Gobierno San Salvador, El
Honduran Red Cross, the Ministry of
Public Health and private doctors, as
well as the construction of latrines,
there were no outbreaks of communicable diseases.

After eight days of negotiation, at
4:00 am just five hours before the
planned signing of an agreement ,
2,000 well-armed Honduran soldiers
and police attacked an encampment of
indigenous and black protesters. The
demonstrators were gathered outside
of the Honduran Presidential Palace in
Tegucigalpa to protest the politically
motivated assassinations of Chortis'
leaders, Candido Amador and Ovidio
Perez, and to demand the return of
indigenous lands. Abiding by their
convictions, the demonstrators refused
to leave until an agreement was signed
and continued their peaceful protest
despite violent assault from the government.
Over four thousand people from
seven Honduran indigenous and black
groups: Chortis, Lenca, Pech, Tolupan,
Miskito, black English speaking Creoles
and Garifuna arrived in Tegucigalpa as
part of the "Great Indigenous and
Black Mobilization" on May 5, 1997.
In the camp, food was scarce and
health care inadequate. Many people
suffered from stress, heat exhaustion,
heart conditions, and arthritis. Still,
Hospital Escuela, only a mile away,
refused to provide the pilgrims with
essential medical treatment. The public health risks were comparable to
those of many poor Honduran communities. Luckily, /with the arrival of the

36

In the negotiating room, things
appeared to be moving swiftly. By the
second day, the government had
already agreed to conduct a full internal investigation into the assassinations
of Amador and Perez. The government
was slow to comply with Articles 13
through 19 of Convention 169 of the
International Labor Organization (ILO),
which demands the return of indigenous lands and respect for indigenous
cultures.
This refusal to concede
blocked negotiations for eight days.
Pastor Fasquelle, chief government
negotiator, finally presented an agreement directly to the encampment.
Offering too little land and not enough
guarantees, the proposal met with
fierce opposition and was rejected in
an oral vote. Finally, an agreement was
reached that included a stricter time
table to restore indigenous land and
stronger guarantees of government
compliance.
Five hours before the agreement
was to be signed at 9 a.m. on May
11th, 1,500 soldiers and 500 police
descended upon the camp armed with
riot gear and rifles, including M 16's
and M60's (large tripod-style machine
guns). Unarmed men, women, and
children assembled peacefully in front
of Presidential Palace found themselves
trying to avoids the blows of their
attackers. One pregnant woman was
brutally beaten, and many children
were trampled by police. Large pots of
cold water were poured over protesters
and most of their possessions were
destroyed. Michael Marsh, an interna-

Salvador; FAX 503-271-2484
Ambassador of El Salvador Ana Cristina Sol,
Embassy of El Salvador, 2308 California St.
NW Washington, DC 20008; FAX 202-3280563

Send copies to: Dra. Victoria Marina
Velasquez de Aviles, Procuradora para Ia
defensa de los derechos humanos de El
Salvador, 9a. Avenida Nte. y Calle Poniente,
Edificio Amsa No. 535, San Salvador, El
Salvador
Adrian Esquino Lisco, Asociaci6n Nacional
Indigena Salvadorena ANIS, calle Obispo
Marroquin Oficina Antigua Aduana Ferrea
5-l Sonsonate, El Salvador; FAX 011-503451-0742
tional observer, personally witnessed
soldiers violently knocking over women
with children in their arms.
The pilgrims relocated a mile away
at a more precarious site. Fast moving
cars encircled the encampment, hitting
one protester. Most of their food and
belongings had been confiscated, and
authorities refused to release them.
These government actions incited public outrage. Hundreds of students and
other demonstrators flocked to the
capital equipped with food, clothing,
and other supplies.
It was two days before negotiations
formally resumed. After the resignation of Pastor Fasquelle from the government negotiating team, progress
was made toward resolving the crisis.
The accord was signed on May 14th
between President Reina and the
indigenous delegation representing the
demonstrators. In addition to promising a full investigation into the assassinations, the agreement also includes
the return of 9,000 hectares of land,
the instatement of human rights
observers in Copan and Ocotepeque,
where many indigenous people have
received threats or been attacked by
wealthy landowners, transportation to
return the pilgrims to their communities of origin, assurances to fulfill its
obligations from past treaties. The
negotiators also agreed to instate a
commission of Guarantors to guarantee the fulfillment of this agreement.
The commission will work with indigenous groups and government agencies
to insure compliance of the agreement.

Information for this article from:
www.ibw.com.ni/-cgenica
for further information write:
andres%acceso@sdnhon. org. hn
Abya Yala News

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B R I E F

french Guiana: Indigenous Peoples
legal
to Protect Their land Rights
he Federation des Organisations Amerindiennes de
Guyane (FOAG) held its Second Congress in the Kalina
community of Awala, 13-15 December 1996. FOAG is a
coordinating body representing more than 20 Indigenous organizations in French Guiana. French Guiana, a French Overseas
Department, lies on the North-eastern coast of South America,
to the North of Brazil and to the East of Suriname. It is home to
a number of Indigenous peoples, some of whom like the Kalina
and Lokono live on the coast, while others like the Wayampi
live along the main rivers of the rain forest interior.
One of the main subjects discussed at the Second Congress
was land rights and the position of the French Government with
regard to the recognition thereof. On the national level, two
legal decrees exist in French Guiana concerning land titling for
Indigenous peoples, Maroons and others, but for a number of
reasons they are considered to be of limited utility by FOAG.
One of the most important reasons is that titles issued under the
decrees are subject to taxation. On the international level, the
French Government has consistently been one of the most vigorous and outspoken opponents of the recognition of
Indigenous people's rights. At the United Nations Commission
on Human Rights, which is presently working on a draft
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the French
Government opposes Indigenous rights on the grounds that the
French Constitution states that all citizens are equal and, therefore, Indigenous peoples may not enjoy "special rights". In common with other countries it is also opposed to the recognition
of collective rights.
At its Second Congress, FOAG decided that, although
French President Chirac has taken a more conciliatory stance on
land rights since a meeting of Indigenous peoples from the
Americas in Paris in May of 1996, the French government is not
taking Indigenous land rights seriously enough. Consequently,
the Second Congress resolved to establish a legal commission to
examine the feasibility of enforcing land rights through the
French legal system. Given the limitation of French law, it was
also decided that option of utilizing the European human rights
system must also be examined. Should the FOAG file a case in
the European human rights system, it will be the first time that
Indigenous peoples have used that system, widely regarded as
the best available; to enforce their human right to own and control their ancestral lands and territories.
Also discussed in connection with land rights, was the
French Government's proposed National Park. This park covers
approximately one third of the country and encompasses the
traditional territories of the Wayana, Oyapoc and Wayampi
peoples. As presently conceived, land rights in the park amount
to nothing more than loosely defined "living zones," which are
narrow strips along the major waterways, in which the affected
people have use rights. Also, it is unclear how future regulations
relating to the park will affect the Indigenous peoples living
therein and how the extent and impact of increased tourism will
be controlled. The position that FOAG has taken is that it will
not discuss the park until land rights are fully recognized in
accordance with international human rights standards.

4

For further information please contact the Forest Peoples
Programme, lc Fosseway Business Centre, Stratford Road, Moreton
in Marsh, GL56 9NQ., U.K.; Tel: 44 1608 652893; Fax: 44 1608
652878; E-mail: wrm@gn.apc.org; The Forest Peoples Programme is
an affiliate of the World Rainforest Movement.

Suriname:
Kwamalasemutu fight
Canadian Mining, Seel&lt; land Rights from the
Government
delegation from the Association of Indigenous Village
Leaders in Suriname went to Kwamalasemutu last week
to investigate complaints raised by village leaders concerning the activities of Canadian mining company, Golden Star
Resources and Surinamese company, NaNa Resources. They
want Golden Star and NaNa to leave their land and they want
their land rights to be recognized by the Government so that
they and future generations may leave in peace and security.
Kwamalasemutu is located in the South of Suriname near the
border with Brazil and is one of the largest indigenous villages
in Suriname, with approximately 1500-2000 persons from nine
tribes. Kwamalasemutu is also located in a gold and diamond
concession held by NaNa Resources, that also includes the
Sipilawini Nature Reserve. The Nature Reserve is the only place
on Earth where the endangered Oko Pipi frog can be found.
The VIDS was asked to investigate by the Head Captain of
the village at the Gran Krutu of Indigenous and Maroon peoples
held recently in Galibi. Complaints were also raised at the Third
Annual Meeting of the VIDS held last year. The VIDS was
informed that in November 1995, late Granman Pesife and the
Captains of the village had signed a letter to the Ministry of
Natural Resources stating that they had no objections to Henk
Naarendorp of NaNa Resources obtaining a concession to
prospect for gold and diamonds on their land. The leaders had
refused to sign the letter, that was written by Naarendorp claiming to represent Golden Star, on more four separate occasions
before finally giving in. The village leaders said that Naarendorp
had put a lot of pressure on the village leaders to sign; that he
had used a translator who had misinformed them about the
contents of the letter and that even today , over a year later, they
still do not fully understand what the letter means.
After obtaining a large prospecting concession, Naarendorp
allowed Golden Star to work there. Since then, village leaders
have had a number of meetings with Golden Star, Naarendorp
and NDP Chairman, Bouterse. Each time they said that they do
not want Golden Star on their land, that they did not understand the implications of signing the letter and that they want
their land rights recognized. In the last of these meeting, late
Granman Pesife was told by Bouterse that Golden Star will work
on their land and that there will be no more discussion on the
subject. International law states that a lack of understanding of
the law on the part of Indigenous and Maroon peoples may not
be taken advantage of by government, multinationals or anyone
else and that any agreement or understanding concluded in this
way are void and unenforceable.
Golden Star is not working in the area now, but the people
of Kwamalasemutu are afraid that when they return they may be
forced to relocate, be denied access to their hunting grounds
and agricultural plots and be mistreated and intimidated by
Abya Yala News

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S
JOURNAL OF THE SOUTH AND
MESO AMERICAN INDIAN
RIGHTS CENTER (SAIIC)

VOLUME

t

10, NUMBER 3, SUMMER 1997

.IIII~~~~]II~!

PRICE

$4.00

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                    <text>�I

N D I A N

C

I T Y

Anyone who has traveled to Quito, Ecuador, and seen the now very touristic historic quarter can testify to that city's Indigenous character. Underneath all the glitter, however, lurks a harsher reality: the
majority of Indigenous migrants in Quito live lives of economic and social marginalization. In this article, Narciso Conejo and Robert Andolina provide us with a glimpse of migrant life in the capital, and
most importantly, how Indigenous peoples have mobilized to insure their survival as distinct peoples
inside the metropolis.
osa, an Indigenous girl from
Chimborazo province, bags
mandarins and limes in the
Alameda park. Rosa, her parents, and friends from
Chimborazo, prepare for another day of
selling fruit to the people of Quito. Rosa
lives in el Panecillo, a hill in central Quito
known not only as an important Prelucan center of astronomy but as a famous
lookout for locals and visitors alike who
seek a good view of the capital. This
mount is not only home to Rosa and her
family but to many Indigenous peoples of
the central and southern provinces.
Quito, like many other cities in Latin
America, is the home and working place
of tens of thousands Indigenous peoples
who have migrated from rural areas.
The contemporary Indigenous migrations in Ecuador, particularly to Quito,
have their beginnings in the middle of this
century Although the majority of the
migrants are Quichua people from the
mountainous
regions,
there
are
Indigenous people from all the various
cultures in the country
The migrations in Ecuador are largely
the result of the disruption of the hacienda system (where poor campesino laborers work for rich landowners) brought
about by the agricultural reform laws
passed in the 1960s and 70s. These
reforms involved the distribution of
huasipungos (parcels of land) to the head
of each family The campesinos and
Indigenous families received the poorest
and most overexploited lands-inadequate
for the most basic needs. This shortfall
forced Indigenous and campesino people
to migrate to the cities. The policies of

Narcizo Conejo is Quichua from Peguche,
Ecuador. He has studied anthropology and
social communications, and has worked in
the Communications Department of
CONAIE and FICI. Robert Andolina is a
PhD Candidate in Political Science at the
University of Minnesota. He has worked as
a volunteer at CONAIE.
Vol. 10 No.3

sacrifice suffices only for la sopita (food),"
says Juan Jose Toaquiza Tipanga,
Indigenous laborer from Cotopaxi
province and one of the 100 workers in
the Mercado Mayoristas in the south of
Quito, "and so we can't send our huahuas
(children) to the city's schools. With the
help of friends, we have, thank God, been
able to give our children an education.
There they don't require uniforms, or
other expenses; this is the only way we
can educate our huahuas."
According to Julio Agualongo, president of the COINDIA (Comunidad
Indigena del Desarrollo Integral y
Autogesti6n - Indigenous Community for
and
SelfIntegral
Development
Management), Juan Jose Toaquiza and his
companions carriers of the Mercado
Mayoristas suffer from clear exploitation
in their work.
Despite migrants' harsh reality; there
are special cases like that of Laura Bonilla,
Otavalefia from Imbabura Province, who
has received a good education and is now
the owner of an artesanias (craft) shop in
Quito's modern center.
"For what we have today; we had to
make many sacrifices, and be dedicated.
We had to make an effort to study and
later we worked as maids. I first started in
my uncle's shop (another Indigena from
Otavalo) where I learned to manage this
kind of business. Since we came from a
family of weavers, that experience helped
us in some ways. After five years of each
one of us working on our own, my husband and I decided to become independent. So we founded our own shop. Here
in Quito, you can't live if you don't work.
It's really hard ... "
Hard labor
Although Laura is not thinking of
The work of Indigenous migrants in returning indefinitely to her community
the city is diverse. Among the most com- because of the realities of work and life,
mon are cargadores (carriers), construe- the large majority oflndigenous migrants,
tion workers, street vendors, merchants, upon not having any success in the city;
maids, and janitors.
wish they could return to their communiThe life of Indigenous migrant work- ties. Rosa, a young Indigenous girl who
ers in Quito is hard, and often dangerous. works in the Alameda park, says "I surely
"The money we earn through so much would like to return to my native land, to
_______ ___________C_on_tinue on page 8

agricultural modernization implemented
by subsequent administrations have tended to benefit the powerful landowners
who continue to occupy the best lands,
leaving the poor no other option than to
migrate.
On the other hand the boom in petroleum production in the 60s and 70s
allowed the economic growth of the
cities-especially Quito, the capital, and
seat of the largely state-controlled oil
industry The oil boom allowed the city
budget to grow, and contributed to urbanization, especially of the middle-class
northern neighborhoods. These abrupt
economic changes in the country lead to
increased labor demands in the cities,
especially in the area of construction.
The processes outlined above have
been the principal causes of rural migration to Quito. In recent years, neoliberal
economic policies have become dominent, jeopardizing the Indigenous ways of
life, and producing a massive internal
migration-not just of men or youths, but
of entire Indigenous families.
Indigenous migration does not occur
out of curiosity or vagrancy Many believe
Indigenous people migrate because they
are tired of working their land, and blame
them for Quito's urban problems. But
migration must be understood as a strategy for survival, for the diversification and
complementation
of
Indigenous
economies, and as a form of cultural survival. Migration processes create enormous challenges for those involved, particularly in the areas of labor, gender, and
identity

1

�I

N D I A N

CiTY

my community, if only our terrenito (land
parcel) provided us with enough to live
on. But since that's not the case, we have
to live somehow. .. "

Women in Migration
Migration to the city is difficult for all
the Indigenous peoples involved, but it
affects men and women differently, both
in the city and country When men are the
only ones to migrate to Quito, the women
who remain in the communities assume
all the responsibilities in the home, of production and reciprocity, of the transmission of culture and identity, and participation in the community
Despite women's assumption of this
enormous task, their work is rarely valued
by men and the larger society, on pretext
that it isn't paid work. This differs from a
traditional Andean Indigenous economy
which has its own internal logic. Every
culture varies in its economic practices,
resulting in a complementarity in the roles
and expenditures of men and women. In
contexts where these values are still practiced, the traditional role of women as
well as new roles resulting from migration
are valued by men and society
The responsibilities of Indigenous
women in the city don't vary very much
with respect to traditional roles, but the
context changes, and takes a crucial place
in the family economy Migrant
Indigenous women prepare meals for
their husbands and family members who
work in construction and other sectors.
Indigenous women's lack of education
makes their lives in the city very difficult.
"The situation here for the compafieras is
terrible, it's more complicated than that of
men," says jose Atupafia, from the Quito
Indigenous Organizations Movement
(MOIQ, Movimiento de Organizaciones
Indigenas de Quito). "Generally they
work as empleadas (maids), street vendors, or as cooks in city markets. In some
cases they have to confront machismo and
cannot defend themselves. The compafieras are not accustomed to this kind of
conduct. To solve these problems, they
have few alternatives other than to get
organized."

Indigenous Identity: Challenges
and Threats in the City
"Society must understand Indigenous
identity in the city a; a specific identity of

Indigenous peoples who live in the city
This is not the same identity as in their
communities. Here there isn't the same
relationship with nature. It's another context, practically a different world," says
Agualongo of COINDIA. This recognition
is an important step in the strengthening
of the identity of Indigenous peoples not
only in Quito, but in other cities as well.
Many Indigenous migrants are clearly
losing their language, particularly children. This is because in the city,
Indigenous children are the laughingstock
of the other children because they speak
Quechua, and as a defense their parents
prefer to speak Spanish in their houses
and even do away with traditional dress to
"pass" as mestizos. Their intention is simply not to suffer the racial and cultural
segregation handed down by Quito's
urbanites.
Children are not the only ones to have
these problems. Frequently, adults also
face discrimination based on their language and culture. In public services, if
Indigenous migrants speak Quechua, they
are not well attended. Speaking Spanish is
a necessity for them to receive the attention they require.
Sometimes, economic success can
lead to a loss of Indigenous identity "Our
children understand Quichua, * but they
don't speak it," says Laura Bonilla, an
Indigenous woman from Cotacachi. "We
don't speak Quichua in the home. We'd
like to teach Quichua to our children, but
our surrounding doesn't allow us. The
kids learn English in school as a second
language. To remedy this reality, what we
do is return to the community every
weekend, so that the interaction with the
family and the community can strengthen
their identity"
In other cases, especially for Indigenous
migrants from the central provinces of the
country, the loss of cultural identity is more
pronounced. "They are successful economically;" says Agualongo, "but they forget their relatives and friends and don't help them out.
They integrate better with mestizo society and
try to pass as one of them." The urban world
often brings out this new individualism among
Indigenous migrants. Their private realities
and lives in the city limit their relations with
their own people. 'The families around here, in
their own little rooms, can't invite their relatives, their friends. People start thinking only of
themselves, and leave community aside," says
Agualongo.

Organizing as a Solution:
Responses to the Problems
Migrants
To solve the many problems faced by
Indigenous migrants in the city, many of
them, especially those from the central
provinces of the country, have decided to
organize. One example is the founding of
Escuela Tninsito Amaguafia (Tninsito
Amaguafia School) which benefits of the
Indigenous migrants who work in the
Mercado
Mayoristas in southern
Quito-the majority from the central
Cotopaxi
and
provinces
of
Chimborazo-with bilingual QuichuaSpanish education. The school has been
functioning since 1990. In it's beginnings
it had only two students. As the program
took shape, enrollment increased. Today,
80 children, women, and men attend its
programs, thanks to the efforts of parents
and the people and institutions of Quito.
"Some children have forgotten how to
speak Quichua," explains Darwin
Pomagualli, Indigenous professor and
volunteer in the school. "We reinforce the
Quichua language with classes to complement what they don't know. We make it
possible for them to realize that we are
Indigenous people and we instill in them
the respect for what is ours." The programs offered by the Escuela Transito
Amaguafia benefit not just Indigenous
peoples. "In the last few years, we have
had mestizo students who also learn the
Quichua language and respect Indigenous
culture. They can already speak some
Quichua, and if they can't speak very well
yet, the others teach them," says
Pomagualli.
The Escuela Transito Amaguafia is one
of the positive ways Indigenous peoples
have confronted the grave problems of
education and cultural transmission. With
the education that's provided, combined
with the extras offered by the school (trips
to students' Indigenous communities on
fiesta days, during mingas (communal
work), etc), Indigenous identity is
strengthened and Indigenous culture is
recreated within the city
Although the Escuela started as an
independent project, two years ago it
became part of CO INDIA. CO INDIA itself
began ten years ago, when Indigenous
migrants were centered mostly in Quito's
historic quarter, in the 24 de Mayo area,
and the Terminal Terrestre bus station.
Later the Mercado Mayoristas Association,
Continue on page 9
Abya Yala News

�I
as well as an organization in San Roque,
formed.
CO INDIA currently works with seven
migrant organizations based on different
labor sectors, like the carriers of the markets. It also works with Indigenous
women and students' organizations. Its
program benefits 150 Indigenous families.
Staff consists of one president and 10 volunteers.
Aside from its education programs,
COINDIA works with migrants to
enhance their participation in the market.
"We train the compafieros to select quality products and to make sure products
arrive on time," explains Agualongo, "and
to recognize and confront certain business
practices. We are about to build a training
center for community business, which on
top of providing basic material needs, can
and
recreate
promote
solidarity
Indigenous comunitarianism.
To reach its objectives, COINDIA has
been able to get the support of CONAIE
and ECUARUNARI, as well as national
and international NGOs. Still, much more
support is needed to attempt to deal with
all of Indigenous migrants' needs in
Quito.
Another important organization for
Indigenous migrants is the Quito
Indigenous Organizations Movement
(MOIQ, Movimiento de Organizaciones
Indigenas de Quito), which formed in
1992 with the objective of uniting the
Indigenous migrants organizations on the
basis of types of labor and geographic
areas. The focus on geographic areas is to
strengthen local Indigenous migrant identities and preserve diversity while unifying people. Since 1995, MOIQ has
expanded its activities, and now works
with Indigenous migrants not just in
Quito but in the surrounding comunas as
well.
In addition to programs in education,
labor, and legal rights for migrants, MOIQ
wants official recognition from the
Municipality of the Quito Metropolitan
District. "We don't matter to the municipality. .. and their policies hurt migrants,"
says MOIQ president Jose Atupafia. "We
need a political space where our voices
can be heard, where we can demand our
rights, where we can put forth our own
proposals that correspond to our realities
and have them be taken into consideration by the municipality." julio
Agualongo, of COINDIA, specified what
was being asked to the city: "We asked the
Vol. 10 No.3

N D I A N

C

I T Y

Indigenous children in the Escuela Transito Amaguafia
mayor of Quito, Jamil Mahuad, to put
together an integral municipal proposal
which recognizes migrants, and he waited
two years to give us a concrete answer."
He adds that the movement has achieved
"a little bit" with respect to city politics in
Quito.
We have seen organizations that exist
inside cities for Indigenous migrants, but
these are not the only examples of organizing that exist. Along with formal organizations, innumerable informal associations and organizations that exist in
Quito, whether based on labor, cultural
identity, or kinship. One of the persons
interviewed for this article stated simply,
"We don't have anything to do with
migrants organizations, but we meet
freely among ourselves, as in our community, to face down any problem that may
arise."
There is still much work to be done in
the way of supporting Indigenous
migrants in Quito. The formal organizations need to value and get involved with
the specific projects of the smaller locally
based organizations. There have also been
difficulties between the various formal
migrants organizations based on cultural,
religious, and political differences. But
organization leaders all agree that there
exists affinity between the organizations
on the basis of their common work and as
Indigenous people, and this affinity could

be the basis for the strengthening of the
organizations, identities, and improving
the quality of life of Quito's Indigenous
migrants. -,..

* A variant of Quechua spoken in the Andes
and Oriente regions of Ecuador.
Sources
Carrasco, Hernan y Carol Lentz. 1985.
Migrantes Campesinos de Licto y Flores:
Historias de Vida. Quito: Ediciones AbyaYala.
Contreras, ]ackeline. 1989. Migraci6n
Feminina y Transici6n del Agro al
Capitalismo. Tesis de Licenciatura en la
PUCE de Quito.
Farrell, Gilda, Simon Pachano y Hernan
Carrasco. 1988. Caminantes y Retornos.
Quito: lEE.
Interview with julio Agualongo (CO INDIA).
Interview with jose Atupana (MOIQ).
Interview with Maria Quintero (CEDIME).
Interview with Darwin Pomagualli (Escuela
Bilingue Transito Amaguafia).
Interviews with various Indigenous street
vendors.

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DAUGHTERS

F

B YA

Y A l A

@I

I

•
•
..

IS

s

Thoughts of Grandma lupe during the
encounter.
n December 1996 the members of the Indigenous
Cultural Society Tepehuanos organized a ceremonial
meeting in the municipality of Escuinapa, Sinaloa, Mexico
to focus on the theme "Indigenous Women-Respect and
Dignity." Representatives of the Tepehuanos, Huicholes,
Cherokee, Micmac, Maliseet, Passomoquody, and Algonguin
peoples came to participate in the conversation circles, temascales (sweat lodges), and nights of medicine dancing. The meeting concentrated on supporting the cause of the Indigenous
American Woman facing the challenges and obstacles that
threaten indigenous culture and sacred values of the indigenous
peoples.
The indigenous grandmothers stressed the importance of
the indigenous spirituality in our lives. During the meeting we
had the opportunity to interview grandma Huichola, Guadalupe
de la Cruz Rios de la Rallanera, (from Sinaloa) known as Lupe.
Lupe emphasized the importance of keeping ourselves in the
harmonious circle of connection with the Creator that is fundamental to generating constructive forces and battling the injustices suffered by the world's indigenous peoples.
Grandma Lupe told us that in her community they continue
to practice their own culture based in the spirituality or spiritual vision of the Huicholes for whom they keep their customs
alive. "Our Grandmothers left us this legacy," says Lupe, "and it
is an ancient history from long ago and we the Huicholes continue to follow its footsteps."
Grandma, could you explain to us the Huichola spirituality
that you practise?
In our Huichola spirituality, we all wear the Huichola clothing that is of fabric drawn with the images of the gods during
the ceremonies. This distinguishes us from other religions. One
of the most important ceremonies that we practice is the medi-

32

Guadalupe de Ia Cruz Rfos de Ia Rallanera, master artisan and
spiritual guide and healer in Sinaloa, Mexico
cine gathering, when we harvest the Hicuri that helps us to concentrate and commune with our Creator and to perceive ideas
that guide our lives and all our actions. In preparing for the ceremony we go to the mountains, to Huilcuta, once a year before
the harvest to gather the Hicuri or Peyote Espafiol (sacred
plants). Huiculta is a sacred place where dwell the gods;
Tatemantiniegue (water), Tate-Wari (fire), Tate-Huirika-Iumari
(grandmother), Tate-Haramara (ocean), Tauyupa (the sun),
Tate-Yulienaka (Mother Earth). The Gods guide our path, teach
us, feed us with the fruit they give us, and with their spirit we
live.
·
This ceremony is very important for our community since it
is when we receive counsel and assistance to help us complete
the tasks we want or need to do.
We also perform ceremonies when we sow corn, and when
the first ears flower. We have blue, white, yellow, red, and black
corn. The corn is sacred because it is our main foodsource and
is a fruit of the Mother Earth.
There is a special day when we perform a ceremony with the
children and the sun so that the Gods may give life and force
Continue on page 33
Abya Yala News

�DAUGHTERS

OF

BYA

-------------------------------------------------~~~~~~~~~~--~~--~~~~--

YALA

Back issues are available in both
Spanish and English
for $3 each plus shipping!!
0 State Frontiers and Indian Nations
Vol. 9 No.1, Spring 1995; Includes:
• Ecuador-Peru Border War
• Interview Leonardo Viteri
• Mexico's Domestic and International Borders

0 Confronting Biocolonialism

Indigenous Huichola women participating in the ceremony of the Huicurf (peyote)/
Sinaloa/ Mexico.

and so that the children gain a better
understanding of their roots and language.
What is your mission as the spiritual
guide of the community?
My mission is to teach the knowledge
that my grandmothers have left me.
Although I will no longer be here, the
teachings of our grandmothers remain
alive and I wish to reinforce our culture,
teach the cultivation of the earth, reinforce the unity and strength of
the family and especially maintain the
Huichola spirituality
I also make offerings
of food to the Gods. I
leave an offering of
corn drink or food on
the altar in our temple
since the Gods have left
us things of importance.
Eating and drinking the
food of the altar, brings us
new thoughts and new
knowledge. The Huichola
spirituality shows us respect
between man and woman, that
man and woman are actually
complimentary not two indivividual entities that compete.
As a spiritual guide I give family counsel to young coulples who
sometimes have problems with each
other. The man and the woman are one
Vol. 10 No.3

body I show them that the Creator gives
us intelligence and peace and thus we
should always feel clean and happy We
do not create problems between ourselves
and between those who speak other languages because we are all children of the
Creator.
What is the relation between the traditional craftwork and Huichola spirituality?
Our craftwork is a product of
visions that we obtain when we
go to Huilcuta and when we
eat Hicuri or Peyote. In the
visions we see the different
images and this is what we
An example of the mastery of Tepehuano artisan women. This is a
[thingamajig] that is
used to carry sacred
objects needed during ceremonies.

copy and weave. De
ahi viene los cuadros
de chaquira de
estambre.
My
grandmother
showed me. Our
craftsmanship is intimately connected to our spirituality since every image expresses a significant relationship with nature and the universe. "9

Vol. 8, No. 4, Winter 1994; Includes:
• The Human Genome Diversity Project
• Safeguarding Indigenous Knowledge
• The Guaymi Patent
• Biodiversity and Community Integrity

0 Indian Movements and The Electoral Process
Vol. 8, No. 3, Fall 1994; Includes:
• Mexico: Indigenous Suffrage Under Protest
• Bolivia: Reconstructing the Ayllu
• Guatemala: Maya Political Crossroads
• Colombia: Special indian Districting

0 Chiapas: Indigenous Uprising with
Campesino Demands?
Vol. 8, Nos. 1 &amp; 2, Summer 1994; Includes:
• Maya Identity and the Zapatista Uprising
• Chronology of Events
• Indigenous and Campesino Peace Proposals
• Interview with Antonio
Hernandez Cruz of CIOAC

0 II Continental Encounter of Indigenous Peoples
Vol. 7, Nos. 3 &amp; 4, Winter 1993
(not available in Spanish); Also includes:
• Oil Companies Take Over the
Ecuadorian Amazon
• Free Trade's Assault on IndigenouS Rights

0 1993 Year of the World's Indigenous Peoples
Vol. 7, Nos. 1 &amp; 2, Winter/Spring 1993; Includes:
• UN Declaration of Indigenous Rights
• Statement of Indigenous Nations at the UN

0 Exclusive Interviews with Four Indian Leaders
Vol. 6, No. 4, Fa/11992; Interviews:
• Miqueas Millares, AIDESEP CPeru)
• Mateo Chumira, Guarani &lt;Bolivia)
• Margarito Ruiz, FIPI CMexico)
• Calixta Gabriel, Kaqchikel Maya (Guatemala)
• Pehuenche Organizing
Pays Off CChilel
• South and Central American
Women's Gathering CPeru)

33

I

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