18 12 1190 https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/40e75df7c529cb8eac8b0d65e45be8e1.pdf 84c4e766edad785b7ea62872ad406df6 PDF Text Text EN VIRON M ENT & D EV ELOPM EN T "...the 150.000 Indigenous people who make up the Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities ofthe Ecua. dorian Amazon cannot guarantee...that oil exploration or exploitation projects inour territories will be able to proceed." of licensing to proceed. In an open letter to the Ecuadorian president, Edmundo Vargas President of CONFENAIE declared. "The Ecuadorian government's lack of sensitivity regarding the position of the lndigneous peoples and eviromnemalists of the region: the lack of a serious natural resource managment policy which addresses the present and future needs of our country and particularly those of the Indigenous nationalities of the region; the absence of adequate laws to control national and foreign companies: the carrying out of economic projects within Indigenous territories b}' the government and private comapanics without prior consultation; and the lack of indigenous participation in the decisons and benefits of these projects, clearly demonstrate thattheconditionsand guarantees necessary to extend the scope of petro· leum activities in the Ecuadorian Ama- zon do not exisl." CONAIE supported this position adding. that the)• hold. ' the Ecuadorian State and petroleum companies participating in the Seventh Oil Licensing Round responsible for the problems we have and for damages both to those people who have lived in the Amazon for thousands of years and to their environment.• Indigenous groups point out that the d rilling areas up for relicensingare located in the headwaters of the Amazonian river system on the Eastern slope of the Andes. Therefore an)•Spills and toxic dumping--which have been ubiquitouscompanions of previous oil activities in Ecuador--could potentially affecttheentireAmazon region through its waterways. Both organizations called for a fif. teen )'ear moratorium for the seventh 32 round of licensing, 'during which time the country can evaluate the environmental and social impacts of oil developmem, and Ecuador can implant policies for oil development which include defenseoftheenvironmem, respect for the ways of life of Indigenous peoples. and an integrated orientation of the country which will benefit all Ecuadorians." Vargas stated, "The Directive Council of CONFENAIE, together with its member federations, has resolved that the 150,000 Indigenous people who make up the Confederation of lndigenous Nationalities of the Ecuadorian Amazon cannot guarantee, neitherto the Ecuadorian State. nor to national or foreign investors participating in the Scventh Oil Licencing Round, that oil exploration or exploitation projects in our territories will be able 10 proceed. ~ Information supplied by CONAl E, CONFENA/E and the Rainforest Action Netwotk" Case against Texaco m ay be heard in New York Courts n April. Federal j udge Vincent L zation of Indigenous People of Broderick ruled that if Indigenous Pastaza (OPIP) and support organipeople and others suing Texaco zations. the transnational oil comfor irresponsibly discarding hazard- pan)' ARCOagreed to negotiate their ous waste in the Ecuadorian rainforest plansforoilexploration in the provice can prove that decisions regarding ofPastaza in Ecuado~sOriente. OPIP these operations were made at Texaco met withARCOonjune9. A second headquarters in New York, then it meeting should be occurring in Ecwould be appropriate for the case to uador as this magazine goes to press. be heard by L US federal court in ARCO officially states that it has not he New York. The case was brought b)' yet made the decision to pursue exSiona, Secoya, Cofan, and Quichua ploration in the Oriente's 'Block I0'. peoples and mestizo colonists who it has nevertheless, reached several live in the zone affecLed by Texaco's preliminary agreements with OPIP. operations. OPIP and ARCO agreed to establish Texaco's lawyers have asked the a techical commission which will judge to reconsider. If the case pro- include three representatives from ceeds in New Y court . it will set an ARCO and from Petroecuador and ork important precedent regarding rights six from Indigenous organizations of foreigners to bring US based multi- in the region. This commission will nationals to trial within the US. establish the guidelines for an E' <aluation of Environmental Impact for Pastaza Organizations negothe Exploratory Period . as well as tiate with ARCO select which company will complete Under pressure from the Organi- the study. I Abya Yala News � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, nos. 1 &amp; 2 (Summer 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Case against Texaco may be heard in New York Courts Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Summer 1994 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Case against Texaco may be heard in New York Courts Item Type Journal Article Volume 8 Issue 1,2 Pages 32 Publication Title Abya Yala News Date Summer 1994 Language English Abstract Note If indigenous peoples and others harmed by irresponsibly discarded hazardous waste from Texaco can prove the decisions regarding that discarding were made in their New York headquarters, the case will be heard by the US federal court in New York. The Organization of Indigenous People of Pastaza negotiates with ARCO over oil exploration plans. Attachment Title abya yala p32.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] ARCO Ecuador Organization of Indigenous People of Pastaza Texaco https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/00000a93b7c39cc1da348edcfeb59a46.pdf c8fa1d16a855f8d43567521b2b954b19 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (28-30).pdf PDF Text Text earing for his life after denouncing the Peruvian Army being responsible for the "Cayara Massacre/' Dr. Carlos Escobar fled Peru with the aid of Amnesty International. He was the appointed Prosecutor for the Ministry of Public Affairs whose jurisdiction included the zone of Ayacucho, Peru, from July 1987 to November 1988. SAIIC had the opportunity of interviewing Carlos Escobar in the end of June. What follows are excerpts of that interview. SAIIC: Why are you now in the United States and what are you denouncing? Carlos Escobar (CE): I was taken out of Peru by Amnesty International due to an investigation I conducted there about a massacre of peasants in the Cayara zone, Department of Ayacucho, in 1988. The military killed 31 persons and "disappeared" another 40. But the idea was to kill them so the massacre could be blamed on Sendero Luminoso (Shining Path guerrilla group). They killed them in front of their families with knifes, axes and machetes. The investigation established that 200 military personnel participated in the massacre. The order was given by a General, the Chief of the Political-Military Command of the zone. On October 14,1988, I turned in the report and by the 18th, my office was shut down by the Attorney General. After that, there was a mandate to close the investigation. No accusation was made and as the days passed, the people who had already given witness in my presence, 41 in all, were detained by the army. In other words the office of the Attorney General gave out the names and addresses of the witnesses. In September, 1989, the most important witness, a nurse of campesino descent who was pressing charges against the General himself, was killed. In our work, my office uncovered evidence of 200 "disappeared" people who were detained in army barracks. Almost all of them showed signs of physical torture. The army detains people for supposed participation in terrorist acts, but nothing is ever proven. The work of our office was to pressure the military headquarters into freeing these people and to obtain evidence of illegal activities by army personnel. SAIIC: How can you be certain that members of the army committed the Cayara massacre? 28 CE: Two-hundred army personnel were recognized not only because of their uniforms, but because they arrived in army trucks and government helicopters. What happened was that the previous day, May 13, in a town called Erusco, ten minutes from Cayara, a platoon was ambushed and terrorists killed 4 military personnel. The next day, the army carne and took over the town. They killed the people in front of the children and in front of their wives. They staged it to look as if Sendero committed the massacre. SAIIC: Before, you mentioned to us an interesting contradiction. You were telling us that the soldiers who committed this heinous act are also Indigenous people. Is this true? CE: The army administration is made up of middle class officials. This class is not Indigenous. Army officials reject the peasants, believing themselves to be superior. They treat peasants like animals. But the army's rank and file includes Indigenous people who are, themselves, manipulated to combat their Indigenous brothers. In Peru, the draft is mandatory at 18 years of age. The Navy has a reputation for being very courageous in Peru. It was funny to see that in the jungle zones, they utilize Indigenous people for protection. From 6pm they are secluded in their barracks and they leave two or three people from a local village with whistles on a platform to alert them if terrorists arrive. SAIIC: What is the status of the investigation now? CE: In Peru it has been indefinitely closed. I was called to Washington on May 14th by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States. This commission is conducting its own investigation of the massacre. If there is sufficient evidence, the case can be taken to the International Court. SAIIC: What is the purpose for militarily organizing civilian patrols in Indian communities? CE: To confront Sendero Luminoso. In the Ayacucho zone, these groups do not form at people's initiative. The army has tried to mandate the creation of these groups but it doesn't always work. SAIIC Nevvsletter �SAIIC: What is the relation between Sendero and the communities? There is information about massacres committed by Sendero in some communities, isn't there? SAIIC: What do you see in the future of the Indian population of Peru and how can solidarity organizations help? CE: For almost two years I have been investigating this and I have not seen even one community voluntarily collaborate with Sendero. People in the communities fear the army as well as Sendero. When the army or Sendero patrols arrive, people collaborate with them only out of fear. CE: The government has never bothered about the poorest zones of the country: Ayacucho, Apurimac and Huancaveliva. That is why Sendero became active there. The population there doesn't have anything to lose. A good way to help them is by communicating directly with the organizations which are truly representative of them. These are organizations of farmers and peasants. The organization of the families of the disappeared has headquarters in Ayacucho. This is where people from many different communities meet. They come with their children, prepare food in a soup kitchen for the orphans, and write down their testimonies to take to the prosecutor's office. SAIIC: But are the accusations about assassinations and massacres of supposed army collaborators by Sendero true? CE: This happens. When an army patrol arrives in a community, the people collaborate out of fear of being beaten up or robbed. Afterwards, when a Sendero patrol arrives, there are people who denounce them so that they will not be beaten or robbed by Sendero. In other words, the Indian people are caught in the cross-fire. SAIIC: Do you have any information of US military bases in the jungle, being used to train the Peruvian army to fight the narcotraffickers? SAIIC: There is great concern about the number of orphans whose parents have been killed in the violence. Is there any support for the communities which have to take care of these children? CE: The important thing is not only to help the orphans, but to prevent the killing of more people. In the Cayara case, a woman whose husband was killed, testified. She escaped with her six children. The military took her as a prisoner and because she was a prime witness, they killed her too, leaving the six children without protection. CE: I have learned that the North American government has One of the witnesses recovering from bullet given economic aid of approxiwounds in a nearby hospital. mately 36 million dollars. A big portion of this goes to the army. Nevertheless, the army in Peru has no legal jurisdiction to fight drug trafficking. SAIIC: Are traditions, like the minka [communal This legally falls under the jurisdiction of Police forces. work] in the Quechua areas, being preserved? Possibly this money is being used to confront subversion, CE: In the entire zones of Ayacucho, Apurimac and that is a completely different situation. and Cuzco, traditions are still strong. The minka is even SAIIC: Governments tend to mix the concepts of being exploited by the army. They make people work for subversion and narco-trafficking. This provides a pretext nothing, utilizing the minka system to build roads. And to repress the population, and ultimately, to fully exploit the people obey because they are used to it, the minka is human and natural resources. part of their upbringing. CE: The government has publicised the fact that SAIIC: Peru has a new government now. Do you Sendero has links with drug traffickers, but I don't know think that there will be changes in the human rights if this is exactly true or simply a way to attract US situation? Will the violations persist? monies. In the Huallaga Zone, drug-traffickers operate CE: The government is not confronting the with small airplanes and it would be impossible for the guerrillas adequately. The political and military control Peruvian airforce not to detect them. In the same way of emergency zones is under the sole command of an that drugs leave the country, sophisticated weaponry army general who doesn't know what human rights are. enters, and Sendero has never attacked a community If he does know, he disregards them. That is why there with sophisticated weaponry. The weapons confiscated from them are those stolen from the police or the army. If are so many disappeared people. The police are controlled by the Public Ministry. The Attorney General can Sendero had some control over the drug-traffickers, if enter all their stations, but he cannot enter any military there were any sort of relationship there, they would headquarters. have sophisticated weapons. The fact is that they don't. Voi5Nos3&4 29 �SAllC: Why can't the Attorney General enter military headquarters, is there a law that prohibits this? CE: No. There is no such law, but there is the gun. The Attorney General is the law, but in remote zones such as Ayacucho where the military is omnipotent, the Attorney General cannot enter their headquarters. That is why, if we suspend emergency zones, we can solve the problem of the disappeared. The emergency zones are at the core of the problem. In Peru the emergency zones include 40 percent of the country. It would be a radical change to send the military back to their barracks. In these zones, the army has created a kind of status quo. They are very entrenched in being there and extorting the people, etc ... When [former President] Alan Garda said the emergency zone status of Ayacucho would be lifted, car bombs immediately appeared in Ayacucho. The Attorney General's office investigated one of those car bombings and we came to the conclusion that it was How You Can Write to the Peruvian President 1) expressing your concern at the murders and tortures in the Ayacucho Province,2) request that a prompt and independent investigation of the tortures and killings be carried out, that the results be made public and those responsible be brought to justice, 3) request that safety of the witnesses be ensured, 4) contact your local media to give publicity to these atrocities. Last-Minute SAIIC was just informed by Amnesty International about more tortures and deaths of Quechua Indian people in the Department of Ayacucho. At least 16 people were tortured by soldiers, as a result of which three of them died, in the province of Vilcashuaman, Department of Ayacucho. On September 25, at 7am, a contingent of soldiers from the Accomarca military base, led by officials · nicknamed "Moreno" and "Gitano," went to the community of Pucapaccana in the Province of Vilcashuaman. They reportedly called the community together and forced them to hand over cattle, money and belongings. The reports add that the names of Bernabe Balde6n Garda, Jesus Balde6n Zapata and Santos Balde6n Palacios were read from a list and they were ordered to accompany the soldiers to Pacchalualhua, bringing the animals with them. Bernabe Balde6n Garda was among the confirmed dead. On their way three women who 30 planted by the army. So the President revoked his order. Today fifty percent of the population of Ayacucho is military or police. SAllC: With the US promoting the militarization of the coca production zones, will the situation in the emergency zones be aggravated? CE: I think the problem of drugtrafficking is wrongly emphasized. The problem is not the production, but the consumption. If there is nobody to consume cocaine, who is going to produce it? The consumption must be attacked and that must happen in the US. Peruvians have been using coca leaves for thousands of years and it's caused no problems, ever! It's part of the tradition. So why try to eradicate the production of coca leaves? For North Americans, it would be cheaper to control their borders, than to spend what they are spending in weaponry in South America, unless, of course, they have other goals... Presidente Alberto Fujimori Presidente de Ia Republica Palacio de Gobiemo Plaza de Armas Lima 1, PERU For more information on human rights in Peru, contact: Coordinadora de Derechos Humanos Horacio Hurteaga 704 Jesus Maria Lima, PERU were grazing their sheep were reportedly raped by five of the soldiers escorting the detainees. When the group arrived at Pacchahuallhua, they were taken to a local government center where they were joined by other men, women and school children, who were being held by soldiers who had carried out similar raids in nearby areas. Ill-treatment and torture reportedly took place in a nearby church. In a written denunciation made by the Federation of Vilcashuaman Institutions (FIPV), its representatives describe the torture to which the peasants were subjected: ...they were tied up with wire and hung upside-down from a beam and whipped; afterwards they were made to lie on the floor, one on top of another, fanning a pile of human bodies such that the person at the bottom carried the weight of all the others and the soldiers jumped on top of them; after this illtreatment they were submerged in ... hot and ... cold water ...until they were dying ... SAIIC Nevvsletter � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 5, Nos. 3 & 4 (December 1990) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Caught in the Crossfire!: Peruvian Prosecutor Denounces Massacre of Quechua Indians in Ayacucho (Andes) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Caught in the Crossfire!: Peruvian Prosecutor Denounces Massacre of Quechua Indians in Ayacucho (Andes) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 5, Nos. 3 _ 4 (28-30).pdf https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/2afa3f2b1c6904b9c3b924cbd4682150 3806027d1e79681a44f20a3e31f5770e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 7, Nos. 1&2 (30).pdf PDF Text Text 1 en Conmemoración El 17 de Enero de 1993, 12 mil Hawaianos nativos y grupos de apoyo marcharon desde la torre "Aloha" hasta el Palacio de "Iolani" en Honolulú, para conmemorar el primer centenario del derrocamiento de la reina Lili'uokalani. Esta fué la manifestación política más grande en los últimos años y marcó un cambio de conciencia dentro de la población nativa de las islas. Hoy en día los nativos Hawaianos comprenden solamente el 20 por ciento de la población total. Sin embargo, el movimiento para recuperar la soberarúa de Hawaü está llevando acabo unjuicio en contra del gobierno de los Estados Unidos. "Nuestra acusación principal en contra del gobierno de los Estados Unidos es la invasión ilegal a nuesro pais en 1893 , nuestra anexión ilegal también y la ocupacióny saqueo de nuestro territorio desde 1898". Para mayor información: Pro·Hawaiian Sovereignty Working Group 3333 Ka'ohinani Orive, Honolulu, Hl 96817 Tel: (808) 595-6691 Fax: (808) 595-0303 Fuente: SF Weekly, Third Force r Para mayor informadém: Westem Shoshone Defense Projed General Delivery Crescent Valley, Nevada 89821 Tel: (702) 386-9834 Fax: (702) 386-9335 30 El17 de Mayo de 1993, Clifford Dann, un importante miembro de la Nación Shoshone, fué condenado a nueve meses de prisión, dos años de libertad condicional y cinco mil dólares de multa en una Corte de los Estados Unidos. Pero los Shoshone consideran que el Estado no tiene jurisdicción sobre ellos porque son una Nación independiente y soberana. Durante la ocupación perpetrada por la Agencia Administradora de la Tierra (BLM) en Noviembre de 1992 al territorio ocupado por los Shoshone, el anciano Clifford Dann trató de bloquear la incautación del ganado de su comunidad regando gasolina sobre su cuerpo y amenazando con encender fuego. Después de ser regado con extinguidores, fué detenido por la policía y condenado en un juicio que se inició el 2 de marzo de 1993 y al cual no asistió. Clifford Dann declaró que su participación en un juicio bajo la ley de los Estados Unidos estaba en contra de la independencia y soberarúa de la Nación Shoshone. Noticias de Abya Yala � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 7, Nos. 1&2 (Julio/Agosto 1993) (Spanish) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Centenario de la Invasion Norte-americana a Hawaii: Doce mill Nativos Marchan en Conmemoracion (Norte America) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource July/August 1993 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Centenario de la Invasion Norte-americana a Hawaii: Doce mill Nativos Marchan en Conmemoracion (Norte America) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 7, Nos. 1&2 (30).pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Issue 1 and 2 Language Spanish Publication Title Noticias de Abya Yala Volume 7 Abstract Note Frustrated Native Hawaiians march in 1993 to commemorate the 100-year anniversary of the US overthrow of the Hawaiian queen. Native Hawaiians are becoming more in favor of Hawaiian sovereignty Pages 30 https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/8a3b1ac67234cfb8bf4d0009721f9cbb.pdf ca0f043c64a2a65dcdec15664261693c PDF Text Text CENTRAL AMERICA Learn a Mayan Language in Guatemala lximche Language Center The lldmche Language Center (CLO IS a p~ectofCojb'lylnRlq'utn Catlnamlt. which tn Caqch!quel means "we walk with our people". We are an association of Maya CaqchJquel Indian professionals. workers. farmers and craftspeople who are taking up the chaDenge of conserving and promoting our culture and our Identity. We have created the language school as part of an Integrated program of sustain· able development. At CU. we offer proven language Instruction techniques. as well as the opportunity to share our Mayan splrttual traditions and our way of Uvtng. The school IS located In the town of Chtmaltenango. tnthecentral-westemreg!on oftheh!ghlands. UnUkethelargercttieswhere tourists congregate. Chlmaltenango presents the opportunity to witness the true life of an Indian town. The program offers the student a cho!ceof!nstructlontntheSpantshlanguage. ortnoneoftwoMayanlanguages: Caqch!quel and Quiche. It features tndlv!dual. one-on· one classes with teachers who are carefully trained and dedicated to sharing the cultural values of our community. WhUe studylng at CU. students are encouraged to stay with a Maya-CaqchJquel family to practice their language sldlls. A portion of the proceeds of the Linguistic Centerl.ldmchetsdedlcatedtothedevelopmentof an educational and cultural center for Caqch!quel Maya children. For more lnfonnatlon please contact: GrupoMaya Quj Semej Junan P.O. Box 40892 San Francisco, CA 94140 Centro Linguistico lximche 4a. Avenida 4·53 Zona 3 Tel: (415)824·2534 Tel: (502) (9)39·2331 Chimaltenongo Guatemala Kunas Protest Land Invasions OnApr!IIS. I993colon!7.ersdestroyed a house within Kuna territory which had just been constructed by members of the !bed! Kuna community tn collaboration with the Association of Kunas United for Nabguana. Thehouse.tntheKunadiStrtctofMadungandl (Alto Bayano). was to be used by Kuna villagers who were planning to begtn work on demarcating thiS part of Kuna territory. Because the law whJch establishes the Kuna DIStrict ofMadungandlts languiSh· tng tn the National Assembly and the government claims It does not have the money to demarcate the land, the community members decided to do the job themselves. There has been poachtng of endan· gered animals, tnd!scrtmtnate loggtng and the Vol 1 Num 1 & 2 pollution of the rtvers tn the Alto Bayano region. The Kunas feel that demarcation of the land ts the first step toward gatntng re· spect for the boundrtes of their terrttory. The followtng ts an excerpt from a statement made by the Association ofKunas United for Nabguana responding to the destruction of the house: 'We condemn thts hostile act by the coloniZers who want to sabotage any actiVity whJch mJght brtngabout a real solution to the problems the Kuna people face tnAito Bayano due to Ulegal Invasions of our territories by people who care little about conserving na· ture and who are trytng to provoke our people so they can later accuse us of betng the Instigators." For more informo· lion conloct: Asociaci6n Nabguona, Apdo. Postol 536, Panol1)6 1, Panom6 31 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 7, nos. 1 &amp; 2, (Winter/Spring 1993) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Central America: Kunas Protest Land Invasions Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring/Winter 1993 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Central America: Kunas Protest Land Invasions Item Type Journal Article Volume 7 Issue 1,2 Pages 31 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring/Winter 1993 Language English Abstract Note The Kuna have demarcated their territory. Colonizers recently destroyed a house within Kuna territory. Attachment Title Kunas Protest Land Invasions.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] AKUN Ibedi Kuna Indigenous reserves land rights https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/d1d0a7a2b4f52065389dbf5cdf910220.pdf b653cbe1f06f0c1a0f7fc6d123a98c6c PDF Text Text CENTRAL AMERICA Learn a Mayan Language in Guatemala lximche Language Center The lldmche Language Center (CLO IS a p~ectofCojb'lylnRlq'utn Catlnamlt. which tn Caqch!quel means "we walk with our people". We are an association of Maya CaqchJquel Indian professionals. workers. farmers and craftspeople who are taking up the chaDenge of conserving and promoting our culture and our Identity. We have created the language school as part of an Integrated program of sustain· able development. At CU. we offer proven language Instruction techniques. as well as the opportunity to share our Mayan splrttual traditions and our way of Uvtng. The school IS located In the town of Chtmaltenango. tnthecentral-westemreg!on oftheh!ghlands. UnUkethelargercttieswhere tourists congregate. Chlmaltenango presents the opportunity to witness the true life of an Indian town. The program offers the student a cho!ceof!nstructlontntheSpantshlanguage. ortnoneoftwoMayanlanguages: Caqch!quel and Quiche. It features tndlv!dual. one-on· one classes with teachers who are carefully trained and dedicated to sharing the cultural values of our community. WhUe studylng at CU. students are encouraged to stay with a Maya-CaqchJquel family to practice their language sldlls. A portion of the proceeds of the Linguistic Centerl.ldmchetsdedlcatedtothedevelopmentof an educational and cultural center for Caqch!quel Maya children. For more lnfonnatlon please contact: GrupoMaya Quj Semej Junan P.O. Box 40892 San Francisco, CA 94140 Centro Linguistico lximche 4a. Avenida 4·53 Zona 3 Tel: (415)824·2534 Tel: (502) (9)39·2331 Chimaltenongo Guatemala Kunas Protest Land Invasions OnApr!IIS. I993colon!7.ersdestroyed a house within Kuna territory which had just been constructed by members of the !bed! Kuna community tn collaboration with the Association of Kunas United for Nabguana. Thehouse.tntheKunadiStrtctofMadungandl (Alto Bayano). was to be used by Kuna villagers who were planning to begtn work on demarcating thiS part of Kuna territory. Because the law whJch establishes the Kuna DIStrict ofMadungandlts languiSh· tng tn the National Assembly and the government claims It does not have the money to demarcate the land, the community members decided to do the job themselves. There has been poachtng of endan· gered animals, tnd!scrtmtnate loggtng and the Vol 1 Num 1 & 2 pollution of the rtvers tn the Alto Bayano region. The Kunas feel that demarcation of the land ts the first step toward gatntng re· spect for the boundrtes of their terrttory. The followtng ts an excerpt from a statement made by the Association ofKunas United for Nabguana responding to the destruction of the house: 'We condemn thts hostile act by the coloniZers who want to sabotage any actiVity whJch mJght brtngabout a real solution to the problems the Kuna people face tnAito Bayano due to Ulegal Invasions of our territories by people who care little about conserving na· ture and who are trytng to provoke our people so they can later accuse us of betng the Instigators." For more informo· lion conloct: Asociaci6n Nabguona, Apdo. Postol 536, Panol1)6 1, Panom6 31 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 7, nos. 1 &amp; 2, (Winter/Spring 1993) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Central America: Learn a Mayan Language in Guatemala: Iximché Language Center Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring/Winter 1993 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Central America: Learn a Mayan Language in Guatemala: Iximché Language Center Item Type Journal Article Volume 7 Issue 1,2 Pages 31 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Spring/Winter 1993 Language English Abstract Note The Iximché Language Center is a project that created a language school in Chimaltenango. The program offers instruction in either Spanish, Caqchiquel, or Quiche. Attachment Title Learn a Mayan Language in Guatemala.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Caqchiquel Guatemala Mayan Quiche https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/c3e350443933df4e0939e3241259b965 8c920918a415656c87fe4e3cba5786a0 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 6, no. 4 (21).pdf PDF Text Text CERTAMEN ACIONAL DE CvENTO Y PoESfA GRvro lcrHtos ·111 IPANAKVY ]ATVN SvyvpJ ]ARAWIKVWAN RiMAN lcTHIOS l ~ TASQ..VKVNA. TTT Awya yalla apachi q'osni patapi Tawa K'uchu tawantinsuywnanta Yawar qhocha kutipun Llajsakun sirch'i nina urqota. AbyaYala sobre las aras humeantes Los cuatro puntos cardinales ,Se toman infiernos de sangre Lava incandescente funde su potencia Awya yalla llanp'a ch'ujrilmsqa Kallpa makanakuyta mana atisqarkuchu Jatun ruphyay ukhu urqopi Sach'a ukjupi panpakuna Sallqa eh 'inllan.... AbyaYala pura descoyuntada Batalla de esfue,¡:zos imposibles De trópicos majestuosos y ardientes De selvas profundas, llanuras... Mesetas silentes... Unay ayllu yachaykunapi Atimullpusqa chay jina llajtakunamanta Chinkasqa nay may janaj pachapi Winaypaj arpa atisqa simir nisqa. Razas ancestrales, culturas deferentes, Pueblos fantasmas Perdidos en el infmito Siempre víctimas de vanas promesas. Mast'aspa makikunanchejta Tawa nujunakuymanta Kay pp'unchayman chhayamunchej Awya Yalla wawqeykuna Tendiendo nuestras mano Desde las cuatro ternuras Llegamos a este dia Hermanos americanos. Kay yuyayniyld llanthupi Ancha sinch 'i Pirqapi juqarina Llak:i.jmanta mujujjima Tukuy kayta yuaytawan Qhatisuchej chakisarukunanta Ripusqankunawan. A las sombra de esta memoria Elevemos una fmn.e comna Como simiente de ansiedad Recordando todo esto Seguiremos las huellas 1) A wya Y alla = AbyaYala= Sutijta "Panamaj Kunan" qosqanku kay Jatun LLegtamas kunaman. 2) Nuqajap'ikuhl qellqanataRuna Tantanakuj Uajtapi, Yachachilrunaku-sqankumanto Paz-tapi 1954. Vol. 6, N. 4 1)Abya Y ala = A wya Y alla = Nombre que daban los indios Kunas de Panama al Continente. 2) Para la escritura del qheshwa utilizo la signografia adoptado por el Congreso Indigenista de la Paz 1954. 21 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 6, No. 4 (Noviembre 1992) (Spanish) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Certamen Nacional de Cuento y Poesia: Grupo Icthios (Argentina) Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Certamen Nacional de Cuento y Poesia: Grupo Icthios (Argentina) Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 6, no. 4 (21).pdf Attachment URL [No URL] https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/11bb020319bb6c40003c93be8eadd284.pdf d22ab572978f0e2ec3f58041fc4e4c90 PDF Text Text meeting in Santa Fe (see photo and story in SAIIC Newsletter, Winter, 1986) to find he was victim of a smear campaign by fundamentalist missionaries. Members of the New Tribes Mission branded Biraci a communist and ordered him to leave his own village. He refused. According to Biraci, the state police intervened and "want to take away my right to be an Indian." He feels that the goal of the missionaries is to discredit him as a representative of UNI in the eyes of his own people. The New Tribes Mission, whose headquarters is in Sanford, Florida, operates seven centers in the Acre region, with the stated purpose of converting Indians to Christianity. As widely reported in the media, in 1985 the New Tribes and its sister organization, the Mission Aviation Fellowship, were implicated in a plot to smuggle precious stones to the United States. According to Biraci, UNI in its five years of existence has taken "a strong commitment to the Indian cause." UNI has also opposed fundamentalist groups working in Indian communities. According to Porantim, the monthly newspaper which covers Indian issues, The New Tribes was temporarily expelled from Colombia and Venezuela for trafficking in precious stones. They have strong political connections in Brasilia, as evidenced by the fact that a former minister of justice was also involved in the smuggling incident. Changes in FUNAI-But for the Better? Following a threat by FUNAI President Apoena Meirelles to resign if structural changes in the agency responsible for the welfare of Brazilian Indians were not made, Minister of Interior Ronalda Costa Couto announced in February a major decentralization of the agency. One concrete change will be the dispersal of FUNAI's bureaucracy in Brasilia into six regional superintendencies, maintaining only a skeleton administrative staff of 50 in the capital. Another change still not finalized will be the transformation of the agency into a special secretariat directly under the President of Brazil or under the National Security Council. BRAZIL Neither change is likely to achieve significant gains in the level of Indian participation in decisions affecting their own survival. Decentralization of FUNAI may play into the hands of state and local politicians such as Governors Gilberta Mestrinho of Amazonas state, Angelo Angelim of Rondonia, and Getulio Cruz of Roraima, who have said they will not recognize new demarcations of Indian lands in their states and have attacked the "huge" areas being allotted to Indian reserves. Vol. 2, no. 3. Spring, 1986. Published quarterly by SAJIC © 1986 Page 14 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 2, No. 3 (Spring 1986) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Changes in FUNAI - But for the Better? (Brazil) Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Language A language of the resource English Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring 1986 Zotero Title Changes in FUNAI - But for the Better? (Brazil) Item Type Journal Article Attachment Title Vol. 2, no. 3 (14).pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Issue 3 Language English Pages 14 Publication Title SAIIC Newsletter Volume 2 https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/6a232030794cdb71ccb57f423abc0a29 58d59a8c2997dab0f32a8a56c813ae87 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 7, nos. 3&4 (12-14).pdf PDF Text Text ---------------------------------~--~---~~-~------------------------- 1 1' 1' El Estado de Chiapas está ubicado al sur de México en la frontera con Guatemala. Es una region habitada por los mayas desde hace miles de años. Actualmente cuenta con una población de 2 millones seiscientos mil habitantes. Se calcula que más de la mitad de la población está conformada por Indígenas Mayas de los pueblos Tzotzil, Tzeltal, Tojolabal, Choltal, Mames, Chamula y Lacandón, de los cuales quedan solamente 400 y además por cerca de 200 mil refugiados de Guatemala, indígenas en su mayoría. Hasta 1869 Chiapas estuvo en poder de Guatemala. Luego el Gobierno de México se apoderó de la region incorporándola a su territorio y dividiendo al Pueblo Maya entre Mexicanos y Guatemaltecos. ' 12 �l\1 '1 1 1 pareja indigenc se encuentra con una barricada militar en San Cristobal de las Casas Foto: Peter Robertson ¡ alrededor de 8 mil soldados en los primeros días del conflicto , mientras la Fuerza Aérea bombardeaba supuestas posiciones Zapatistas y varios poblados indígenas. El4 de enero se recibió en SAIIC una llamada telefónica de alguién que dijo ser indígena. La llamada fué hecha desde San Cristóbal de las Casas y en ella se denunciaban los bombardeos de la Fuerza Aérea sobre las comunidades indígenas y los allanamientos, secuestros y violencia perpetrados por el ejército sobre población civil acusada de pertenecer o apoyar a los Zapatistas. Esta situación fué corroborada de inmediato y desde la oficina de SAIIC se lanzó una campaña denunciando la violación de los derechos humanos, con el fin de presionar al gobierno de Mexico y detener la represión. Organizaciones de Derechos Humanos al rededor del mundo comenzaron también a denunciar las violaciones. CONIC, a través de su 1 14 oficina de coordinación en Panamá, amplió la información a todo el continente y acordó, telefónicamente, la realización de una visita a Chiapas con el fin de verificar los hechos y ofrecer solidaridad a los indígenas. Los combates tomaban lugar en diferentes pueblos. Ocosingo, Altamirano, Oxchuc y las áreas montañosas y boscosas de la región, contaban con un saldo de cientos de muertos y heridos. De acuerdo al informe oficial, 35 soldados y 75 Zapatistas murieron, pero cifras establecidas por organismos de derechos humanos y organizaciones independientes, estiman que los muertos sobrepasan los doscientos. Hasta la fecha, abril primero, 15 indígenas Tzeltales y Tzotziles se encuentran desaparecidos. El día 8 de enero, el gobierno Mexicano propuso la iniciación de un diálogo para alcanzar la paz, el cese inmediato al fuego y una amistía general para todos los involucrados en el conflicto. Ell2 de enero, Nilo Cayuqueo de SAIIC, viajó a las zonas de conflicto en Chiapas. En compañía de miembros de la Coordinadora en Lucha del Pueblo Maya para su Liberación, COLPUMALI y algunos periodistas, recorrió las zonas de combate y los lugares donde aún se encuentran los refugiados (desplazados) internos. Las zonas recorridas comprenden las localidades de Las Margaritas, Comitán, San José de Baños, Corralito y Nuevo Momom, cerca de la frontera con Guatemala. La mayoría de los indígenas que vivían en las comunidades cercanas abandonaron sus casas aterrorizados por los bombardeos, la represión por parte del ejército y el fuego cruzado, especialmente quienes habitaban en las zonas consideradas por el ejército como bastiones Zapatistas. Varias casas fueron totalmente destruídas por los bombardeos, sobre todo en Noticias de Abya Yala � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 7, Nos. 3&4 (Spanish) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Chiapas Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Fall/Winter 1993 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Chiapas Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 7, nos. 3&4 (12-14).pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Issue 3 and 4 Language Spanish Publication Title Noticias de Abya Yala Volume 7 Abstract Note Violence continues to rage in Chiapas , though a dialogue between the Mexican government and the Zapatistas. Pages 12-14 https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/85a8eb5cf6bf86a1352d3259ecf15d74 e20edf116e80c2d06b58277c82b091ba Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 11, no. 1 (5).pdf PDF Text Text E N ··--··~··-----------~ logró una reunión entre las comunidades y representantes de CONADI, y de la Intendencia regional donde presentaron tres puntos básicos: 1) Conformación de un equipo negociador por parte del gobierno con las comunidades. 2) Propuestas para el desarrollo integral de las comunidades para salir del estado de extrema pobreza actual, 3) Plazos de corto tiempo y con fecha en que el problema debe solucionarse. Como manifestación de su transparencia a la búsqueda de una solución pacifíca, las comunidades se compremetieron a efectuar una retirada temporal del sector, para el día jueves 23 de abril. líderes Indígenas Asesinados Luis Yat Zapeta, alcalde Maya de la municipalidad de Santa ·Cruz del Quiché, departamento del Quiché, Guatemala, fue asesinado el 6 de mayo por tres hombres quienes se cubrían el rostro con gorras pasamontaña. Yat fue democráticamente elejido como representante legislativo nacional en 1995, y llegó a ser alcalde en febrero del año 1998. El organizó exhaustivamente con las víctimas de violencia y repressión en esta zona alta y montañosa. La Defensoría Maya califica este asesinato como un asesinato político realizado por hombres armados ligados a sectores ultraconservadores y ultraderechistas cuyo objetivo es debilitar el Proceso de Paz y los pocos espacios democráticos creados a raiz de la firma de los Acuerdos de Paz. Carlos Antonio Luna, lider popular, ambientalista y regidor de Catacamas, Honduras, fue asesinado cobardemente el 18 de mayo de 1998 por haber enfrentado la destrucción ilegal del bosque y haber luchado por impedir el avance del frente de colonización hacía la Moskitia. El líder Indígena Brasileño Francisco de Assis Araujo,jefe de 8,000 miembros de la tribu Xucuru-Kariri y coordinador de la Organización de los Pueblos Indígenas, fue baleado a muerte por unos asesinos no identificados el 20 de mayo, en Pesqueira, estado de Pernambuco. Araujo dirigió para 12 años la lucha por la demarcación de las tierras Indígenas. En mayo 28, líderes del pueblo Xucuru tuvo una asamblea para discutir estrategias y continuar la lucha para que su área sea demarcada. Para recibíi- noticias e información diarias, sea parte de la lista electronica de SAIIC por contactándonos a saiic@igc.apc.org y danos su correo electrónico. Vol. 11 No. 1 B R E V E n 1994, SAIIC dedicó una publicación de Noticias de Abya Yala a los Indígenas que se levantaron en el estado mexicano de Chiapas (volumen 8, No.1-2). Aquí nosotros reflejamos brevemente lo que significa Chiapas, no solamente para los Indígenas en otras regiones de México, pero también para los Indígenas alrededor del mundo. En junio 10, fuerzas gubernamentales atacaron las comunidades en San Juan de la Libertad, como parte de una nueva campaña para desmantelar las Municipalidades Autonomas. Durante los siguientes días, las fuerzas armadas mexicanas bombardearon aldeas, quemaron casas, arrestaron masivamente, torturaron a los residentes y asesinaron por lo menos a 8 personas. Actualmente hay unos 70,000 soldados en Chiapas, aproximadamente un tercio de todas las fuerzas armadas de México. En junio 17, un grupo de legisladores mexicanos trataron de renovar las negociaciones con el Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN), pero sin éxito. El patrón aquí es obvio: prímero, el gobierno viola los acuerdos y se lanza a una ofensiva violenta; luego dice que quiere negociar. Si el Ejército Zapatista no entra en este "diálogo," entonces el gobierno y la prensa acusan al EZLN y sus seguidores como rebeldes violentos que no quieren negociar por la paz. Mientras el diálogo y la negociación pueda usarse para resolver conflictos pacíficamente, la retórica puede usarse como herramienta para encubrir ihtenciones violentas, de aquellos que realmente no les interesa la paz ni la justicia. Los pueblos Indígenas y aquellos que los apoyan frecuentemente son condenados cuando abandonan la mesa de negociaciones, reusandose a negociar bajo los términos de sus opresores. Creemos que no existen las condiciones necesarias para el diálogo, cuando una de las partes continúa cometiendo actos de brutalidad, Lo que estos hechos pueden provocar es una espiral de violencia a la que ni siquiera los Indígenas, con su naturaleza pacífica, puede escapar. Otro aspecto de particular interés fue la calculada preparación de la reciente ofensiva: la expulsión de más de 150 observadores de derechos humanos por el gobierno de México desde febrero de este año. En un intento por aislar estas comunidades del mundo para encubrir sus acciones, el gobierno de Zedillo exitosamente ha demostrado qué importante es la solidaridad internacional. El mismo Presidente ha acuñado una nueva expresion, "turismo revolucionario," para ganarse la opinión pública en contra de aquellos que desean prevenir las violaciones de derechos humanos. No obstante, urgimos a los presentes y futuros observadores a no dejarse intimidar por aquellos que desean destruir nuestras alianzas con falsedades, fronteras y visas. (Para profundizar en los esfuerzos de organización de los pueblos Indígenas a lo largo y ancho de México, le sugerimos ver la entrevista con Melquiádes Rosas Blanco, del Congreso Indígena Nacional, en esta edición). 5 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 11, No. 1 (1998) (Spanish) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Chiapas Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1998 Language A language of the resource English Zotero Title Chiapas Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 11, no. 1 (5).pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Issue 1 Language Spanish Publication Title Noticias de Abya Yala Volume 11 Abstract Note A reflection on the movement in Chiapas and what it meant to indigenous groups across the world. Pages 5 https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/2805f6587a42f299247e00ced45b87bb.pdf fb336b67b2b1479a9f095d6afac05344 PDF Text Text P ERSPECTIVES ON C HIAI$S C h::. .i: .a=t=;__:;;_;:....::::..... as--=--=-en _;_rrom T e m u co: -=--=-- . : p a s-----==- se-=-::..:.... :. . .;~ Interview with Aucan Huilcaman Consejo de Todas Las Tierras in Chile. In theCityofTemuco in the heortofMopucheoncestrol territory. the Consejo de T odos los Tierros (All Lands Council} meets once a year. Their international Werken (messenger), Auc<in Huilcomon is charged with making known the denunciations, agreements and projects from the Mopuche Tribunal. He is also responsible for relations with other Indigenous peoples of the continent. Heis2 7years old and in hisfourth yearo(law school at the Autonomous UniversityofTemuco, he was also o congressionalcandidate in lost Deeemberselections. but didn't achieve o seot in the House. In the following interview he spoke regarding the situation in Chiop<JS. of the Mopuc/Je in Chile, and the continental Indian movement. by Ximena Ortuzar* How do the Mapuche evaluate wh~t happened in Chiapas this past january? -There nrc various points related to this action. Personally. and in general. I celebrate the Zapatlsta's courage. decisiveness and organizational capaclty which permitted them to prepare thetr uprising without being detected by the Mexican Intelligence apparatus. Th~l is remarkable. In addirion, (he Mapu· chc support all lndigellOUS peoples' struggles In defense of their legitimate rightS. I observe though. a huge spilt between the discourse and Ideology of (he continental Indigenous movement and what (heZapatisl.aSareproposing. In one of rneir points, they demand, 'More land for the Indigenous people.• l11is Is good, but insufficient. Eve:n if they give more lands. these will continue to be just fragmemsofthe l~rger landscape. The fundamental lndlg· enous problem in all or America Is that of territory. When the State distributes p~rcels or land. mey remain under its sovereignty. The central demand 18 should be territory, where Indigenous rights have clear legitimacy. You cannot attack the real problems or the Indigenous people of the comment if you do not approa.ch thiS Issue. manner wnh being human. and with our own nature, Our COJICi!ption is that the territory IS a physical space where the ~bpuche people should have control. pbannmg power and autonomy to e,'(ercise free self-determinarion. Land and Territory 1understand that ont or the 'Mapltche's What is the conceptual difference between l.a nd and territory? -Land is an individual concept relating a person to 11 specific plnce-person-propeny. whereas the con.cept of territory is collective and refers tO a group or people with a portion or coll.,ruvetand. Formelndtgenouspeoplc. the concept of territory holds dements of identity. or culture or a form or organization. I can give you an example; with us. the Mapuche, many of the trees that surround us have names like the names of our children. And when the huincn -white person cuts the trees, clearing the native forest, we (eel that our tdentity has been cut off. Territory is connected m a substantial princlp.'l muggles in these moments is precisely fot' lerritory. -Th~t'sright. That hasrneantcharges against us for 'Illicit association', and •failure before the law, morality and good customs• which :tlTectS l44 or us. We could go to jail. but this will not SlOp our decision to recover what be· lon~to us. And you mtss this conceptual element in the z.,patisro proposal. ·F(Om what ! know. yes. I sec also that they ask for Salinas de Gonari to resign. I bdleve that he could resign and that wouldn't solve the problem for Indigenous people in Mexico. In my opinion. this is a weakness in me proposal. because the basic question is Abya Yala News �P ERSPECTIVES ON CHIAPAS not of changing the president but or chttnglng the nature of the State. m order to achieve transformation thnt resmuns the State'sabsolutcdominion o"er the Indigenous people which Is exercised agait\St their will. In the Z:lpattStJI proclamations I don't see n questionmgofthestmctureofthtSt:~tc. Another point that seems curions to me is that the h1ghest visible lendcrlsn ":sub-commander~ ...\Vhen we meet in our Tribunal there is no pres1dem, or secretary or treasurer of the Mnpu· che comnmnit)'. rather we hMe a Lonko. Mnchi--origmal authoritiesThese posluons bnng together the m· stnutional strUcture and the JUridic concept of the community. And you find this important... -OcOnitel)•. yes. It is not a question of form. While you don't reinstate your own forms of organization as a weapon to oppose the fonns of tdco· logi(jll dommation that the State 1m· poses. you are fighting with your oppressor's wenpons and they arc not ours by na10re. How would you C'l'lain this situation in the case of Chiapas? -Asnccnnin amount of mcmul colo· nlzatlon. No one c.~n fail to recognitc the effort. the courage and the dcei$Wtnc~ Of the Z:lpatistas that rose Up in Chiapas. But i reiterate that in my judgement the proposal that we know Vol8No. 1 &2 the Indigenous people, but rather the form in which this wns implemented. If we travel through the province of Arauco we encounter barely five Mapuche communities. The rest arc villages close to cities. They applied colo-nial thinkmg. Historicall)•, the Council of the Indies- which was an organization designed tO organize the Indians according to the dominant concepts-it rocogmzed the Indigenous people's nght to orgnnizc in municipalities and gave them a structure !or this. With the agrarian refom1, the Mapuche were obligated tO Ji,•e in vii· las on lands awarded In a determined has holes in the area of Indigenous place. makmg thlsn population center rightS. They propose the need for that breaks with the concept of indijusucc which is impossible wh1le the ,·idual-lnnd that represents a human rightS of Indigenous people m Chiapas collecuvity In 1h1s nsJXct. I see in the to deCide their own future Is not rem- Zapalistas a conceptual weal..-ness. st:u~d. And this hapJXnS by reinstat· ing territory and chnng1ng tht struc· What do you anrlbu1e this to? -I don'1 exactly know. I believe that ture of the Stme. I also sec thnt they the Indigenous peoples In Mexico have sufficient instilutional s tructure aJld they s hould have employed 1his in Chiapas. I am certain that the Mapu· che would never have a sub-commander in a s1milar sttuation. We could ha'·ca Toqu1,anongmalauthor· hy. but never a copy. nn ass1mila11on. I want to clanfy that I don't intend to take away from what the Z:lpanstaS ha\'e done, butlt's my duty to say that I detect a ccnain strange inOuencc on the Indigenous people in these circumstances. \Vhat is the basis for your statement? -For the last six years, we ha,·e met periodicnlly w1th lnd•genous leaders of Me>dco,l know all of them. The last Aucan Huitcaman add1"1!ssing the UN 11me. I was In Onx3ro last October. World Conference on Human Rights They assume that theyareethnicgroups held in Vienna during June. 1993 and don't vtndicatr their existence as peoples or natiOn$. Ideological domipropose the need for~ ngr~rhtn reform nation has entered into their minds Jaw which is a concept distorted from and language. In M~xico, the Indian the essence of an indigenous commu- walks m the SlrcclS like a dominated nity. In Chile there was an agr:man being. des puc being part of the majorreform and we don't quesuon the ity. blolog.allysJXaking. They are not amount of lands that were returned to conscious of who they ;m:, This is 19 �P ERSPECT IVES O N (HI APAS explained by the fact that Mexico's government has implemented the most policies of assimilation against Indigenous people. Already in 1942 in the government of Lazaro Cardenas it was said, "We have 10 Mexicanize the Indians, and not to lndianize Mexico.". And they worked on the Indians with that purpose. Maybe the roots of the problem lie in the Conquest. .. -Without doubt, the Spanish crown had a strong influence on the Indigenous people that inhabited the territory that is now the Stale of Mexico. Today they are disarticulated, they cannot decipher their own writing. and this blocks their ability to reach. once again, their own scientific exp1analion of life,. The Indigenous trunk was cut and they are still in the process of reassembling themselves. While this process is incomplete, the consciousness. the commitment of being Indigenous will continue to fail, despite being the majority. Self-understanding as a person What does it mean to be cootmiued 10 being an Indigenous person> · It is not a specific contmiunent or political belief but rather a way of understanding yourself as a person . A good example of this is that in Mexico. there have been two Indian presidents: Benito JuArez and Porfirio Dfaz who governed for many years. Nevertheless, this did not mean any advantage for the Indians of Mexico. To be Indian in biological or racial tenus doesn't mean anything if the kind of commitment I was speaking about doesn't exist. In the meeting with Indigenous leaders of Mexico which )'OU alluded to, did you raise these observations? -All of them. 20 Will Chiapas set an important precedent in the Indigenous struggle? With what response? -Without doubt. But it's important -Ourconceptsare very well received, but there has been unevenness in the not 10 let out of our sight that this level of who deals with the subject that precedent and its lessons are imporstops at the level of leaders. Further- tant for both parties: Indigenous more, lhe communities of Mexico have peoples and States. An example of this been very controlled. If one visits an is that the first constitutional and juIndigenous community, you ftncl that ridic recognitions of Indigenous people it has a plaza. it has its musical bands arose in Nicaragua during the that is, everything is organized as the Sandinista Revolution when the IndigCouncil of the Indies would have it. enous people rebelled agai nst the The Romano-Spanish concept of orga- Sandinista government and began 1he nization is palpable i.n the communi- armed struggle which was erroneously ty's Structures, which seem more like called counter-revolutionary. The govthose of a city. I'm speaking of an ernment decided to recognize them, ideological concept , applied through and it happened that other States took external structures, and contradictions similar measures. These were re-acarise such that Indians end up being commodations, small legal rectifications ... Legally functional for the States, Mexkans. bm not for the Indigenous people ... And this doesn't occur with the MapuThings change so that everything reches> -I would say it occurs less. l will mains the same? -Exactly. The Stale makes legal give you an example: we hear and we read about Emlliano Zapata. If we modifications in order tO insure the don't have prior knowledge we don't maintenance of its institutional domiknow that he was Indigenous, because nation. as happens with Benito Juarez and l'orfirio Diaz. despite being Indians, Is there a message )'OU would like to they have Spanish names. We have convey? -Indigenous movements are the ones struggled to conserve our Mapuche names and we have accomplished that which will give a new face to America with very few exceptions. The great in terms of justice, democracy, and majority oft he Mapuche conserve their liberty--which today are onl)' a dream original last names. and for us, that for us. Thus, its fundamental that constitutes an important element of every political and social movement in our identity. Meanwhile in Mexico America takes into account this elemany times, Indians only recognize ment which "~II define relations Statethemselves inside themselves--and people and Indigenous nation. Bemany limes. not even there. Here, our cause today, it is not Marxism that puts last name identifies us as Mapuches. the State at risk, but the Indigenousand in consequence, not as Chileans. original organizations. The State knows this. and takes its precautions. Every social and or political organization 1hat fights for human rights must know that Chiapas a Landmark the indigenous people should prevail Tofinisllthe fotmh annual session ofthe and contribute 10 the construction of a \vn Ma!Jt<Che Toibunal, Huilcmnan gave a true inst itutionality with our O charspeech in Tcmuco.lnfinishinghesaid, •ro acter and based on our own particurhc brothers in Chiaflas, fmward wirh rite lalities. ~ strl<ggle for land tmd liberty." "R..>prin;edinl"'t ln>ml'l1=. Mexico.April II ,1994· N>ya Yala News � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, nos. 1 &amp; 2 (Summer 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Chiapas as seen from Temuco: Interview with Aucán Huilcaman Consejo de Todas Las Tierras in Chile Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ximena Ortuzar Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Summer 1994 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Chiapas as seen from Temuco: Interview with Aucán Huilcaman Consejo de Todas Las Tierras in Chile Item Type Journal Article Author Ximena Ortuzar Volume 8 Issue 1,2 Pages 18-20 Publication Title Abya Yala News Date Summer 1994 Language English Abstract Note The messenger of the Consejo de Todas las Tierras (All Lands Council) praises the Zapatistas while pointing out there is more to be done. In the interview, Huilcaman discusses autonomy, territory, indigenous rights, leadership, agrarian reform, and identity. Attachment Title abya yala p18-20.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Consejo de Todas las Tierras Huilcaman Aucán Indigenous movements Mapuche Zapatista Critique https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/130e8818509ce403db20fc43c9a5f443.pdf 0d93b78b48271339a8b7f4d465e36047 PDF Text Text CHIAPA S Chiapas Update: Mexican Government Launches, Then H alts, Sudden Offensive the EZL'< and undcrstand thc =sons for their dectSion to tJke up arms as the only method 10 be h<'ard. From the hean of tht moum21n 1n Gurrr~ro we declare. <'You are nOt alont"• The lndig~nous org.'\niutions who r<ccnLI)• formed Orgl1nlztltion represem· formed the Counetl of Indigenous and ing the Indigenous :onrs of Chiapas. C.'mpesino Organt.tations of Chiap.1s warned in • press release on Feb. I I . (CEOIC} in February of 199'1, have "\Ve nrc sure th:t~ nil of u.s :tre on that list divided the states prcdomiMntl)• territory in whnt he terrned a .. poHce- and can C.'l(pt':Ct lObe nrrcsted soon." On Indigenous regions uno autonomous acuon" to nrrest the EZLN lendership. Feb. 13. the General Council described terrilories. now reJ>rcsentcd by an elecl· Nonetheless. Indigenous. non.govem· the government$ offensive ns a ..genoci· ed General Council of Plur.ethnic mcntol ond hun1on righiS organizotions dal war: r<ponang that five people had Autonomous 1\reM. On Feb. II. the throughout Ch~1pos, as well as members been killed In the communaty of La Council announced u would organa:e a of tht M\IOn.:ll mtdlatton commission Estrella. and th>l mony had been march from Chaapas 10 Mcxaco Cny to (CO:-IAI) hc3dtd by Bt<hop Samuel detamtd ond tonurcd by the anny in ·mob•liu a thot~S~nd lndagenous people Rmz. were also ••rgetcd by the go"ern· three lndagenous regions and an the from the autonomous regaons." and to menl OfftMl\'C. Thousands of &O''tm- communal)' of Ocosango. bnng aucnuon to the Chaapos conOact. tmnl troops occupacd communities nnd The Councd also Sl2tcd au; lntrnuon 10 set Ull roadblocks throughout the St>te. Offensive Halted conunue organtz:ms for \'lctOt)' m the seohng orr th< mcdaa, human nghlS In a sudden chonge of strategy. coming mun•CJpal and congrcssaonal worktrs, and the geneml populauon Zcdallo halted the mllhary offensave on elections an Chinll:lS. Although the cense-farc has been from chc zones of conflict. No major Feb. 11. and asked the national congress con01cts lx:tween the two ;lrmies have lO appro,•e a lnw gronting omneSt)' to temporarily re·cotablished In Chlnpas. been reponed, though one Mexican offi- members of the EZLN who surrender the state rcnmms cxtremel> tense. • cer was kallcd by sni1>er fore. their weapons. On the same day. the nal- Indigenous organiamlons reporc that \oVhcn announcing the offensive, ing party's governor of Chiapas, the so-coiled "while gunrds." paromili· Zcdallo ouempted to discredit the EZLN Eduordo Robledo Rmcon resigned from tary forces employed by Iorge by hnking le•dcrs to terrorist acts m the office m wh3t he called :m act of peace. landowners. have acted wuh increas· laiC 1960s. and dascloscd the leaders' Both the opposluon Pany of the ing \iolencc nnd nggrdSion through· alleged Identities Subcomandante Democmuc Rtvolulion (PRO) and the out the stole . The Gcncr.~l Couneal or M•reos was ldenufied os Rafael EZLN had detn(lndcd Robledo$ ~gna­ Pluritthnac A\ltonomous Areas m3d< $ebastljn Gullltn Vicente, a professor of uon following fraudulent tl<elions last the following call for help In thtar last commun1eauons from T2basco Slate Dettmber Ounng Robltdos mougurn- press rele3SC; Marcos tseJptd capturt when the army uon. PRO gubernotonal candtdate swcp1 amo the Z3p.111Sl3 capital of San Amado Mend3no fonncd a p.1mllel go,._ Und<r rhtS<: condutons, "t arr l<llling Pedro de Maeh<»Clln RtsadeniS of this emmcnt supported by many Indigenous out w rhe resr of rht ""dd ro !urn rhear eyes and 01hcr communities In Z:lp>lista ter- Orgl1niz.1110ns ~nd the E~LN. Avedafto toward Chlap<~s. IVt a•< In •teed of disuib· ritory ned I hear houses before the annys responded to Robledo's resignation by ulion of injomaallon 10 nmiontd and fnt<rasking PRO mllil~nts 10 surrender the narional sphcm; lmcrnatlonal obsen·ers; :trrL''ol. govcmmcnt buildings which they have letters to tht Mt>.iam .~ovcrnmcnt; firum· Generalized Repression occupied in the region. dal assistance; hucrnallnnol orgcmizing In launclung the offensive. the ami protests. p11rtlcularly In front of Mexican governmem dcclarul its imen- Indigenous Organizing: "You MeXican emb<lsslrs and cOil$t<I<Uts; 1md uon to arrest a list of over 2. 000 indl- are not alone" cara•·ans. IVt ore also <ISinngfor supp<1rt In vacluals p.utlclp;oling on the state$ social Over 1,000 Indigenous represent:l- rht ltgal rc«>smtlon of the aa.ronomous movemencs The offices of CON PAZ. the ti\'CS from throughout the country met regions. Our lncentlon ts to $11(11gth<n tht largest human nghlS organualion in in Guemro state from Ott. 16-18 to so/idoriry btt~<ctn all O!•P·~d ~<. an Cha•pos. wert lOOted by tht militol)' on form the ~•uonal lndagenous the midst of a crudal n101ncn1 in lht 5lrugCom'tnllon (CNI). The CNI declared, ~ for tht ltbtratwn of the lndrgenous pa>Feb 10. The General Council of Plunethnae Autonomous Areas. the · we takc >Sour own the 13 positions of ple of Chwpas. 0 n Pebruory 9. Me.xican Presidem Emesto Zcdillo broke the censc·flre in Chiopas. ordering n surprise ilwosion of Zapatista-held 32 Abya Yala News � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, no. 4 (Winter 1994) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Chiapas Update: Mexican Government Launches, Then Halts, Sudden Offensive Type The nature or genre of the resource Journal Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Winter 1994 Language A language of the resource English English Zotero Title Chiapas Update: Mexican Government Launches, Then Halts, Sudden Offensive Item Type Journal Article Volume 8 Issue 4 Pages 32-33 Publication Title Abya Yala News: Journal of the South and Meso American Indian Rights Center (SAIIC) ISSN 1071-3182 Date Winter 1994 Language English Abstract Note The Mexican Government launched a recent, short-lived offensive in Zapatista-held territory in Chiapas. Attachment Title Chiapas_update.pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Cease-fire Chiapas CONAI EZLN National Indigenous Convention (CNI) https://www.abyayalanews.org/files/original/d4df81ceb545365b2141dc7870b4e021 377e16e52ee3e2b4bf5876cdef5e1864 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, nos. 1&2 (18-21).pdf PDF Text Text CHIAPAS vista Entrevista con Aucán Huilcamán del Consejo de Todas las Tierras En Temuco, Chile, territorio originalmente mapuche, se reúne el Consejo de Todas las Tierras una vez al año. Su Werkén internacional (vocero), Aucán Huilcamán, se encarga de dar a conocer las denuncias, los acuerdos, los proyectos y las resoluciones del Tribunal Mapuche. Es también el encargado de establecer las relaciones con los pueblos indígenas del resto de América. Tiene 27 años, estudia cuarto año de derecho en la Universidad Autónoma de Temuco, fue candidato a diputado independiente en los comicios de diciembre pasado. De la opinión mapuche acerca del alzamiento del Ejército Zapatista de Liberacion Nacional, y de los problemas que afectan a los indígenas en Chile y el continente, habló con nosotros. Ximena Ortúzar * Cómo evaluaron los mapuches lo no se aborda ese punto, no se ataca el ocurrido en Chiapas en enero pasado? problema de fondo de los indígenas de Hay varios puntos que comentar en todo el continente. esa acción. Personalmente, y en general, yo celebro la valentía, la decisión y la capacidad organizativa que permitió a Tierra y Territorio los Zapatistas preparar su alzamiento sin que los aparatos de inteligencia Cuál es la diferencia conceptual entre mexicanos lo detectaran. Eso es tierra y territorio? Tierra es un concepto individual que destacable. Además, los mapuches compartimos toda lucha indígena en relaciona a una persona con un lugar defensa de sus legítimos derechos. específico -persona-propiedad-, en tanto Observo, sin embargo, un divorcio muy el concepto territorio es colectivo y se grande sobre el debate de la macro- refiere a un conjunto de personas con acción ideológica del movimiento una porción de tierra colectiva. Para los indígena continental y lo que los Zap- indígenas, el concepto territorio encierra atistas proponen. En uno de sus puntos, elementos de identidad, de cultura, de ellos exigen: "Más tierra para los forma de organización. Le doy un indígenas". Eso está bien, pero es ejemplo: Entre nosotros, los mapuches, insuficiente. Porque aunque les den más muchos de estos árboles que nos rodean tierras, siguen siendo porciones de tierra tienen nombres como los de nuestros ampliada. Yel problema indígena funda- hijos. Y cuando el huinca (blanco) tala mental en toda América es el del territorio. los árboles arrasando con el bosque nativo Cuando el Estado entrega o concede sentimos que se cercena nuestra tierras, sigue imponiendo en ellas su identidad. El territorio esta ligado de supuesta soberanía, su institucionalidad. manera sustancial a la persona humana, La exigencia central debe ser de territorio, a su naturaleza misma. Nuestra porque sobre él los derechos de los concepción es que el territorio es el indígenas tienen plena legitimidad. Si espacio físico amplio donde el pueblo 18 Mapuche debe tener control, planificación y autonomía para ejercer la libre determinación como forma política. Entiendo que una de las principales luchas que los mapuches están dando en estos momentos es precisamente por territorio ... Así es. Y eso nos ha significado un proceso por "asociación ilícita" y "faltas a la ley, la moral y las buenas costumbres", que afecta a 144 de nosotros, que podemos ir a la cárcel. Pero no cesaremos en nuestra decisión de recuperar lo que nos pertenece. Y usted extraña ese elemento conceptual en la propuesta Zapatista ... Hasta donde conozco, sí. Veo además que piden la renuncia de Salinas de Gortari. Creo que él podría llegar a renunciar y eso no solucionaría el problema indígena en México. Opino que esa es una debilidad de la propuesta, porque el asunto de fondo no es el cambio de un presidente, sino el cambio de naturaleza del Estado, a fin de lograr transformaciones que restrinjan el Noticias de Abya Yala �CHIAPAS domino absoluto que ese Estado tiene sobre los indígenas y contra su voluntad. No veo en la proclama Zapatista un cuestionamiento a la estructura del Estado. Otro punto que me parece curioso es que el máximo dirigente visible sea un subcomandante ... Cuando se reúne nuestro Tribunal no asisten un presidente, un secretario y un tesorero de la comunidad Mapuche, sino el Lonko, la Machi (autoridades originarias), se reúne una estructura institucional, un concepto jurídico. Se reúne la comunidad como concepto de convivencia. Y usted atribuye importancia a ese hecho ... Por cierto que sí. No es una cuestión de forma. Mientras no se restituye lo propio como arma para oponerse a la forma de dominación ideológica que el Estado impone, se está peleando con armas del opresor que no son propias a nuestra naturaleza humana. Cómo explica usted esa situación en el caso de Chipas? Como cierto grado de colonización mental. N adie puede desconocer el esfuerzo, la valentía y la decisión de los Zapatistas que se alzaron en Chiapas. Pero reitero que a mi juicio la propuesta que conocemos tiene vacíos en el campo de la maduración de los derechos indígenas. Ellos plantean una reivindicación de justicia, lo cual es imposible mientras no sea restituído, a los pueblos indígenas de Chiapas, el derecho a decidir su futuro. Y eso pasa por restitución de territorio y cambio de la estructura del Estado. Veo también que plantean le necesidad de una ley de reforma agraria, que es un concepto distorsionante de la esencia de una comunidad indígena. En Chile hubo una reforma agraria y no cuestionamos la cantidad de tierras que devolvieron a los indígenas, sino el modo en que esa reforma se implementó. Si recorremos hoy la provincia de Arauco, encontramos apenas cinco comunidades mapuches. El resto son villorrios, caseríos próximos Vol. 8 No. 1 & 2 a ciudades; se aplicó la mentalidad colonial. Antiguamente el Consejo de Indias, que era un organismo destinado a organizar a los indios con la concepción dominante, reconocía a los indígenas el derecho a organizarse en municipios y les daba una estructura para ello. Con la reforma agraria, el mapuche se vio obligado a vivir en villas, en tierras adjudicadas en un determinado lugar, constituyendo así un poblado que rompe con el concepto de individuo-tierra que representa una colectividad humana. En este aspecto veo en la propuesta Zapatista una debilidad conceptual. introducido la dominación ideológica. En México, el indio camina por las calles como un ser dominado, pese a ser parte de una mayoría biológicamente hablando. No tienen conciencia de lo que son. Eso se explica porque el Estado mexicano es el que más políticas de asimilación ha implementado hacia los indígenas. Ya en 1942, en el gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas, se decía: "Tenemos que mexicanizar a los indios, y no indianizar a México", y se trabajó frente al indio de acuerdo con esa consigna. Comprenderse como Persona A qué la atribuye? No lo sé exactamente. Creo que los Por dónde pasa el compromiso de ser pueblos indígenas de México tienen una indígena? estructura institucional suficiente y -No se trata de un compromiso o una debieron haberla empleado en Chiapas. conciencia políticos, sino de Yo puedo asegurar que los mapuches comprenderse como persona. Un buen nunca tendremos un sub-comandante ejemplo de esto es que en México ha en una situación similar. Podremos tener habido dos presidentes indios: Benito un Toqui, una autoridad originaria, pero Juárez y Porfirio Díaz, que gobernaron nunca una copia, una asimilación. Quiero por bastantes años y, sin embargo, eso aclarar que no intento desmerecer lo que no significó ninguna ventaja para los los Zapatistas han hecho, pero es mi indios de México. Ser indio en términos deber decir que detecto una cierta biológicos o raciales no significa nada si influencia extraña al ser indígena en el no existe ese compromiso del que hablo. tratamiento de sus problemas. Influencia identificable? Yo diría que de sesgo marxista. N o es de extrañar, porque es en México donde los pueblos indígenas están más liquidados culturalmente, lo cual crea condiciones para imponer influencias. En que fundamenta esa afirmación? Desde hace seis años nos reunimos periódicamente con los dirigentes indígenas de México; los conozco a todos. Estuve por última vez en Oaxaca en octubre pasado. Ellos asumen que son etnias y no reivindican su calidad de pueblos o de nacionalidades. En su mente y en su lenguaje se ha Aucán Huilcamán durante la Conferencia Mundial de Derechos Humanos llevada a cabo en Viena en junio de 1993 19 �CHIAPAS En los encuentros con dirigentes indígenas de México a que usted alude, les ha planteado estas observaciones? -Todas Con qué respuesta? -Nuestros conceptos son muy bien aceptados, pero ha habido desniveles a la hora de tratar la temática, que se queda a nivel de dirigentes. Además, las comunidades en México están muy intervenidas. Si uno visita una comunidad de determinado pueblo indígena, se encuentra con que tienen una plaza, tienen sus bandas, es decir, está todo organizado como indicaba el Consejo de Indias que debía hacerse. Ahí está palpable el concepto romanoespañol de organización en el seno de la estructura de esa comunidad, que más parece ciudad. Se trata de una concepción ideológica propia, aplicada en medio de una estructura ajena. Y surgen las contradicciones que llevan a los indios a terminar siendo mexicanos. Y eso no le ocurre a los mapuches? -Yo diría que nos ocurre menos. Pongo un ejemplo: Escuchamos y leemos acerca de Emiliano Zapata. Si no tenemos todos los elementos, no sabemos que era indígena, porque ocurre con él lo mismo que con Benito juárez y Porfirio Díaz, que siendo indios, tenían nombres españoles. Nosotros hemos luchado por conservar nuestros apellidos mapuches y lo hemos logrado, con escasas excepciones, que no es del caso detallar. La inmensa mayoría de los mapuches conserva su apellido original y eso constituye para nosotros un elemento fuerte de identidad. Mientras en México muchas veces el indio sólo se reconoce como tal en su ser interno - y muchas veces ni siquiera así- acá nuestro apellido nos identifica como mapuches y en consecuencia como no chilenos. Los identifica y los delata al mismo tiempo ante una sociedad discriminatoria. Sin embargo, la mayorta de los nombres de pila de los 20 mapuches son españoles, por qué? -Porque el Estado chileno nos ha impedido nombrar a nuestros hijos con nombres originales. Así, el funcionario del registro civil, a la hora de la inscripción, rechaza el nombre Mapuche, mira el calendario y pone el nombre español del santoral. Pero usted se llama Aucán .... -Esa es una circunstancia particular, como a veces se dan, en que el funcionario del registro civil en una decisión personal, me inscribió como mis padres querían, como Aucán, que -dicho sea de paso- significa guerrero. Cuestión de Identidad El Estado chileno no los reconoce como nacionalidad ... -No, para el Estado somos "etnia". Más aún, ninguna Constitución chilena ha reconocido la existencia del pueblo mapuche, ninguna, desde la conformación del Estado chileno hasta hoy. Es decir, existe una negación tácita hacia nosotros. Y debo agregar que el Estado chileno es el más totalizante frente a la diversidad. -Hasta ahora, pero estamos estudiando ese asunto. Quiero insistir en la identidad. El concepto de chilenidad es jurídico, ficticio, una invención. No existe la nacionalidad chilena, aunque exista el concepto que se refiere, en realidad, a un grupo histórico y sociológicamente definido. En rigor, la única nacionalidad que existe en este territorio es la mapuche a , la c-qal se impone la "nacionalidad" chilena. Y los chilenos, Qué vienen siendo a su juicio? -Un pueblo. La reflexión que los indígenas hemos hecho a nivel continental y local es que somos una nación, porque desde el pasado y hasta el presente nos liga una identidad que nos da continuidad. Los pueblos son conformaciones similares, pero pueden ser resultado de circunstancias históricas. El pueblo chileno es una conformación resultante de una circunstancia histórica: vinieron los españoles, nos invadieron, hubo guerra, enfrentamientos, escaramuzas, mezcla ... y resultó el pueblo chileno que es, por sobre todo, un concepto jurídico. Imagino que como "chilenos" ustedes están obligados a prestar el servicio militar. -Ah, claro. N o hay discriminaciones en ese punto. Esa es una obligación para chilenos y para "chilenos indígenas", como nos dicen. Si se trata de resistir a una agresión contra el Estado chileno debemos combatir y así lo ordena la Constitución. Si se trata de resistir a una invasión del Estado en contra nuestra, debemos acatar, porque para esa Constitución no existimos. Sin embargo, insertos en la legislación chilena, deben someterse a las normas y leyes chilenas vigentes. Están obligados a tener cédula de identidad? Cómo aparecen en ella en cuanto a nacionalidad? -La cédula de identidad es una imposición que el Estado ha hecho no solo a los mapuches, sino también a los propios chilenos. la diferencia está en que los chilenos la aceptan sin protestar porque no tienen identidad propia. Eso los obliga a identificarse con un documento que su propio Estado les Acerca de las Ideologías exige a cada paso, porque en Chile sin cédula de identidad las personas no Hablando de ideologías, usted critica la propuesta Zapatista por presentar existen, no son. signos de ideología marxista ... Los mapuches protestan, pero la -Lo que crítico es el rasgo ideológico aceptan ... partidista que detecto en ella del color Noticias de Abya Yala �CHIAPAS que sea. Ideología tenemos todos, entendiendo por tal un conjunto de ideas. Echo de menos una ideología más propia en la propuesta Zapatista. \ comprendernos como personas. En ese sentido, usted tampoco necesita estudiar derecho para entender los conceptos de justicia e injusticia, por ejemplo ... -Efectivamente, no lo necesito, porque esos conceptos están implícitos en un conjunto de leyes que me explica la vida. Sin embargo, estudio derecho porque me permite conocer desde dentro lo que es la armazón jurídico- institucional del Estado chileno dentro del cual vivimos y al cual, en gran medida, estamos supeditados. perdamos de vista que ese precedente y sus lecciones valen para ambas partes: indígenas y Estados. Un ejemplo de esto es que los primeros reconocimientos constitucional y jurídico- de los pueblos indígenas surgieron en Nicaragua durante la Revolución Sandinista, cuando los indígenas se rebelaron contra el gobierno sandinista e iniciaron la lucha armada que erróneamente se calificó de contrarrevolucionaria. El gobierno decidió reconocerlos y sugirió a otros Estados que tomaran medidas semejantes. Yresultaron los reacomodos, las pequeñas rectificaciones, no de derecho, sino jurídicas, funcionales a los Estados no a los indígenas: "Esta bien, reconocemos que existen. Ahora, que más quieren? Usted nunca ha sido cooptado por un partido político o por una ideología partidista? -Que un organismo político convenza o coopte a alguien depende en gran medida de lo que esa persona sea como tal y de la convicción que tenga acerca de lo que está haciendo. Creo saber quién soy y dónde estoy en este momento. En tal sentido, no requiero de una alimentación ideológica partidista para levantar el movimiento. Lo que si Lo cual implica un cierto grado de requiero es una comprensión mayor de aceptación colonizante ... la cuestión mapuche desde una De hecho, los mapuches vivimos en concepción cultural. Eso es elemental: un estado de colonización jurídica e Mientras más conozcamos al pueblo institucional, pero no estamos mapuche, más convocatoria tendremos colonizados mentalmente, en las movilización para exigir nuestros ideológicamente. tenemos nuestra derechos. Los mapuches tenemos ideología y ella es nacionalista cultural. elementos suficientes para reunirnos, Lo que si es cierto es que la opresión a los conversar, identificar nuestros problemas mapuches es algo culturalmente y reivindicar nuestros derechos. No entronizado en los chilenos y eso deriva necesitamos de personas ni de ideologías en la aceptación de la dominación culextrañas que nos guíen. Lo anterior no tural, de la usurpación de tierras, de la significa que no conversemos con quienes pobreza en que están sumidos los quieran hacerlo, y de hecho, estamos mapuches por una suma de abocados a relacionarnos con organismos circunstancias que los aísla. La mayoría y movimientos sociales a nivel nacional a de los chilenos encuentra normal la fin de encontrar una forma de relación situación en la que vivimos los mapuches. distinta en la cual nos brindemos apoyo Cuántos son actualmente? político mutuo. Es difícil decirlo, pero somos entre Ha estudiado teorías políticas? un 8 y un lO% de la población total. -He estudiado el marxismo, el nacionalismo biológico de Hitler, el nacionalismo expansionista de Chiapas: un hito Napoleón ... Creo que los mapuches tenemos un nacionalismo cultural, Al finalizar la cuarta sesión anual del Trientendido en otra dimensión. No temo bunal Mapuche, Aucán Huilcamán que alguien me califique como pronunció un discurso en la plaza principal nacionalista cultural, pero dejo claro que de Temuco. Al finalizar, dijo: "A los no concuerdo con el nacionalismo de hermanos de Chiapas, adelante con su lucha Hitler ni con el de Napoleón. por tierra y libertad". Cuál es el mensaje? Son los movimientos indígenas los que van a dar un verdadero rostro a América en cuanto a justicia, democracia y libertad, que hoy en día son un sueño para nosotros. Por eso es fundamental que todo movimiento político y social de América tenga en cuenta este elemento sustancial que va a definir la relación Estado-pueblo y pueblos indígenas. Porque hoy no es el marxismo el que pone en riesgo al Estado, sino el elemento indígena-organización originaria. El Estado lo sabe y toma sus resguardos. Toda organización social o política que lucha por los derechos humanos debe tener presente que lo indígena debe prevalecer y contribuir a la construcción de una verdadera institucionalidad, con rostro propio y basada en su propia particularidad. "9 Y tampoco con el marxismo ... -Tampoco. Los mapuches no necesitamos de elementos externos para * Este artículo fue tomado de la revista Proceso No. 910 delll de abril de 1994. Vol. 8 No. 1 & 2 Chiapas sentará un precedente de importancia en la lucha indígena? Sin duda. Pero es importante que no Que haya cambios para que nada cambie ... Exactamente. El Estado hace modificaciones jurídicas a fin de asegura el mantenimiento de su dominación institucional. 11 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Vol. 8, Nos. 1&2 (Julio-Septiembre 1994) (Spanish) Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Chiapas Vista desde Temuco: Entrevista con Aucan Huilcaman del Consejo de Todas las Tierras Type The nature or genre of the resource Newspaper Article Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource July-September 1994 Language A language of the resource Spanish English Zotero Title Chiapas Vista desde Temuco: Entrevista con Aucan Huilcaman del Consejo de Todas las Tierras Item Type Newspaper Article Attachment Title Vol. 8, nos. 1&2 (18-21).pdf Attachment URL [No URL] Issue 1 and 2 Volume 8 Publication Title Noticias de Abya Yala Author Ximena Ortuzar Abstract Note The messenger of the Consejo de Todas las Tierras (All Lands Council) praises the Zapatistas while pointing out there is more to be done. In the interview, Huilcaman discusses autonomy, territory, indigenous rights, leadership, agrarian reform, and identity. Language Spanish Pages 18-21