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                    <text>BOOKS

w~4£H~MJ'
Much Work Ahead for Indigenous Historians
here are few texts in which indigenous voices speak
for themselves. This historiography srill needs to be
wriuen by both men and women of Abya Yala. Until
today our histO\Y has been oral. Generally, our voices have
been recorded in colonial languages, which in effect. are
translations. Our own literature, should be caustic, in
regard to those texts which have relegated us to being
objws of study. Maybe those who objectify us forget that
we can read their accounts. Here is a sample of three
relevam texts: Tlte Elder Brothers: A lose South Anwican
People and rheir· Wisdom (1990) by Alan Ereira; War of
Slraclows( 1991) by Michael Brown and Eduardo Femandez;
Indigenous Voices (1992) b)•Roger Mood)•. In contraposirion,
we can t!nd texts (e.g., Taraqu written by the A)•mara
historian Carlos Mamani Condon in 1991) that have been
written by indigenous people themselves. presenting a

T

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e
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To take advantAge of this offer, send your name, mailing
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Vo1.8No. l &amp;2

different voice.
Ereira's book is a good example of "colonial anguish".
We do not believe that indigenous peoples' stntgglescan be
understood until colonial attitudes are abandoned when
facing indigenous cultures. In his account. Ereira "be·
comes' rhe spokesperson for the Kogi people of the Sierra
of Santa Mana in Colombia. In very few pages can we hear
tl1c Kogi's own voices. Instead, the author-historian basically presents his own saga which coincides with those of
the Kogi. who are a living example of what Europe and the
United States call 'ecological susrainability'. This book
does, however, illustrate the constant threats experienced
by the Kogi, and their efforts ro live ham1oniously with

naLure.
Michael Brown and Eduardo Fernandez's book documents the guerrilla phenomenon in f&gt;en•. describing the
Ashaninka Indigenous tribe's experiences as they struggle
to win a fight that is not theirs. The heroes in this account
are the guerrillas and the authors themselves. The
Ashaninkas' voices arc barely heard throughout the book.
The text should be considered as a history of the sixties and
seventies of Pert&gt;, but not of the Ashaninkas, except as
victims of the political left and right, the missionaries, the
government and the armed forces.
Moody's Indigenous Voices is a collection of indigenous
texts. Moody takes advantage of the demands published by
Indigenous leaders in the Working Group of the United
Nations, and decided to compile them into a book. Moody's
project is highly questionable given that the texts printed
were all produced by indigenous nations, yet there is not a
single instance in the book in which the Indigenous con·
tribmors were invited ro participate in the editing process.
In a world where publications are the equivalent of business
cards. indigenous peoples are once again objects of the text,
rather than subjects capable of articulating our own ideas.
In contrast to the above texts is Mamani Condori's
Taraqu, which is one of the first texts produced by an
Aymara historian. He sraned by studying docurnems
related to rheAymara territories. In an eloquent job. Tar(J{p'
presents the Aymaras' voices. who are thus the text1S ultimate owners. This text shows more than ever, that it is
imperative for the nation-stares ro recognize the Aymara as
the legimitare caretakers of their territory and halt the
abusesdirectedagainsrthem. Mamani Condori is a member
of the Andean Oral History Workshop in Chuquiyawu,
Kollasuyo. in Bolivia. 'I!)
39

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                  <text>Vol. 8, nos. 1 &amp;amp; 2 (Summer 1994)</text>
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                <text>Though there are histories and stories written about indigenous peoples, rarely do those stories place the indigenous groups at the forefront, rather favoring the outsider's encounter with and reaction to the people. The author reviews two books about indigenous people written in a colonial manner and a counterpoint of a book written about the Aymara written by an Aymara historian.</text>
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